RUMBLE IN THE HILLS
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha loses public support after the murder of popular leader Madan Tamang- By Rabi Banerjee The Week.
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha loses public support after the murder of popular leader Madan Tamang- By Rabi Banerjee The Week. The FIFA World Cup 2010 has come as a painkiller for the people of Darjeeling who were in a shock after the brutal murder of All India Gorkha League leader Madan Tamang. A charismatic leader, an excellent orator and a businessman by profession, Tamang was hacked to death on May 21 by alleged Gorkha Janmukti Morcha activists when he was about to address a political rally in Darjeeling. Tamang wanted to expose corruption in the GJM, which is spearheading the movement for a separate Gorkhaland state.
The murder infuriated the public, who were staunch supporters of the GJM. Thousands thronged the streets in protest and removed the GJM flags from buildings. The Morcha leaders were forced to remain indoors for a few days fearing public anger. “It was a spontaneous reaction of the common people who could not bear the murder of Tamang,” said Ramesh Chetry, a taxi driver, who was an eyewitness to the murder.
But with the kickoff of the World Cup, many buildings have started sporting flags of participant nations like Brazil, Argentina, the Netherlands and Germany. “Our people have learnt that it’s better to love a foreign football team than trust our own people. Except the flag of Portugal, which is similar to the GJM flag, all the good teams’ flags can be seen atop houses,” said S.B. Zimba, a retired bureaucrat who was a supporter of the Morcha. Today the hills are alive with the strains of Shakira’s Waka Waka.
Five years ago, the GJM, a breakaway faction of the Gorkha National Liberation Front, the first party to demand Gorkhaland, won over the masses by criticising the misrule of the GNLF-led Hill Council. The Union government initiated a dialogue with the GJM in a tripartite meeting in 2008. Recently, it agreed to shelve its statehood demand temporarily and settled for another autonomous governing body.
Tamang never compromised the idea of Gorkhaland. Though he supported the formation of the GJM, he was critical of its policies. When it seemed that the GJM would accept another interim settlement, Tamang decided to expose corruption in the party and that led to his death.
Shocked by the Tamang episode, many people have switched over from their demand for Gorkhaland to issues of security and democratic rights. “There is no freedom of speech and expression in the hills. We cannot have a separate state without freedom and democratic rights,” said Zimba. They have also turned to the West Bengal government, which they hated before, for help.
“The time has come for the government of West Bengal to take action against these people [the GJM] who are trying to take away our freedom,” said B.K. Pradhan, a lawyer. Following Tamang’s murder, Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists leader R.B. Rai severed ties with the Morcha in protest. Even the BJP, which supported the demand for statehood, has joined the opposition forces to oust the GJM.
Emboldened by the demand for help, CPI(M) leaders, including Municipal Affairs Minister Ashok Bhattacharya, visited Darjeeling to pay their respects to Tamang. Seven Morcha members in connection with Tamang’s murder were arrested.
Bharati Tamang, widow of the slain leader, says the GJM carried out the murder with the help of the government. “The manner in which my husband was killed points to the fact that the Left Front government was involved. The police refused to protect him,” she said.
However, the Morcha has denied any role in the murder. “A section of people wants to destroy our movement for a separate state. We are not in any way connected with the murder,” said Roshan Giri, general secretary of the GJM. Seeing the support ebbing away from the hills, the GJM is now looking at Terai and Dooars in the foothills.
BJP state secretary joins Madan partyThe murder infuriated the public, who were staunch supporters of the GJM. Thousands thronged the streets in protest and removed the GJM flags from buildings. The Morcha leaders were forced to remain indoors for a few days fearing public anger. “It was a spontaneous reaction of the common people who could not bear the murder of Tamang,” said Ramesh Chetry, a taxi driver, who was an eyewitness to the murder.
But with the kickoff of the World Cup, many buildings have started sporting flags of participant nations like Brazil, Argentina, the Netherlands and Germany. “Our people have learnt that it’s better to love a foreign football team than trust our own people. Except the flag of Portugal, which is similar to the GJM flag, all the good teams’ flags can be seen atop houses,” said S.B. Zimba, a retired bureaucrat who was a supporter of the Morcha. Today the hills are alive with the strains of Shakira’s Waka Waka.
Five years ago, the GJM, a breakaway faction of the Gorkha National Liberation Front, the first party to demand Gorkhaland, won over the masses by criticising the misrule of the GNLF-led Hill Council. The Union government initiated a dialogue with the GJM in a tripartite meeting in 2008. Recently, it agreed to shelve its statehood demand temporarily and settled for another autonomous governing body.
Tamang never compromised the idea of Gorkhaland. Though he supported the formation of the GJM, he was critical of its policies. When it seemed that the GJM would accept another interim settlement, Tamang decided to expose corruption in the party and that led to his death.
Shocked by the Tamang episode, many people have switched over from their demand for Gorkhaland to issues of security and democratic rights. “There is no freedom of speech and expression in the hills. We cannot have a separate state without freedom and democratic rights,” said Zimba. They have also turned to the West Bengal government, which they hated before, for help.
“The time has come for the government of West Bengal to take action against these people [the GJM] who are trying to take away our freedom,” said B.K. Pradhan, a lawyer. Following Tamang’s murder, Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists leader R.B. Rai severed ties with the Morcha in protest. Even the BJP, which supported the demand for statehood, has joined the opposition forces to oust the GJM.
Emboldened by the demand for help, CPI(M) leaders, including Municipal Affairs Minister Ashok Bhattacharya, visited Darjeeling to pay their respects to Tamang. Seven Morcha members in connection with Tamang’s murder were arrested.
Bharati Tamang, widow of the slain leader, says the GJM carried out the murder with the help of the government. “The manner in which my husband was killed points to the fact that the Left Front government was involved. The police refused to protect him,” she said.
However, the Morcha has denied any role in the murder. “A section of people wants to destroy our movement for a separate state. We are not in any way connected with the murder,” said Roshan Giri, general secretary of the GJM. Seeing the support ebbing away from the hills, the GJM is now looking at Terai and Dooars in the foothills.
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| Bharati Tamang offers sweet to Dawa Sherpa at the ABGL office on Wednesday. Picture by Suman Tamang |
Vivek Chhetri, TT, Darjeeling, June 30: The state secretary of the BJP today resigned from his party and joined the ABGL, plunging into uncertainty the fate of the BJP in the hills and raising questions about its future course of politics.
Sherpa is the convener of the Democratic Front, a conglomeration of seven outfits — including the BJP — opposed to the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha.
Bharati Tamang, the president of the ABGL, said: “My husband (Madan Tamang) always wanted Dawa Sherpa to join the ABGL and had talked to him about it before his death. Today, I see his wishes being fulfilled.” Sherpa was inducted into the ABGL at a programme held at the party office on Laden La Road.
Sherpa’s switch to the ABGL, whose chief Madan Tamang was murdered on May 21, was not unexpected. The Morcha had been accused of masterminding the attack and has been in the backfoot since then.
After Darjeeling MP Jaswant Singh’s re-induction into the BJP, questions were raised about the party’s continuation in the front. With Singh openly backing the Morcha, many hill leaders had been wondering how the BJP could continue to remain with the front.
Sherpa was being “flooded” with queries on how long the hill BJP intended to oppose the Morcha when the central leadership was actively supporting it.
Sherpa, who had faxed his resignation to the BJP state committee last evening, said: “My joining the ABGL was being discussed much before Jaswant Singh was re-inducted into the BJP. The ABGL officially sent me a letter last week, requesting me to join their party and after much thought I decided to accept the primary membership. I think I will be able to work for the hill people with the ABGL.”
But the speculation doing the rounds is what the hill BJP will do in the circumstances.
Sources in the BJP said there were essentially two choices before the district unit of the party. First, with the departure of Sherpa, who was one of the spearheads of the opposition to the Morcha, other relatively unknown party leaders may make a quiet exit from the front.
But the more likely option is that most of them will follow in Sherpa’s footsteps and join the ABGL. The sources said the BJP, which has hardly any organisational presence in the hills, will only become weaker after Sherpa’s departure. They said almost all in the party are Sherpa’s supporters and are expected to follow the leader.
“Till early this year, the Darjeeling unit of the BJP was led by G.S. Yonzone. After Sherpa emerged, Yonzone and his supporters resigned from the party,” said a BJP source. “After this, Sherpa and his supporters took control of the district committee and all of them are expected to join the ABGL.”
The source said with Sherpa and his supporters gone, there was a possibility that a new committee would be formed which would be more amenable to the central leadership. “In the coming few days, the picture will become clearer,” a hill BJP leader said.
Hill team meets CM
A six-member delegation of the Darjeeling Civil Society led by Bijay Kumar Pradhan met chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and state municipal affairs and urban development minister Asok Bhattacharya for 30 minutes this evening at Writers’ Buildings in Calcutta.
“We told the chief minister that there is not a single person in Darjeeling who is against Gorkhaland and that it was the government’s responsibility to sit for a meeting with the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha and come up with a solution as early as possible,” said Pradhan after the meeting.
The delegation also told the chief minister that the government must not be a silent spectator and should make efforts to maintain law and order and peace in the hills “so that the rights of the common people are not trampled by anyone”. The chief minister told the hill team that the people, too, should raise their voices, Bhattacharya said.
Morcha ready for talks with CM over Hills' ills
Sabyasachi Bandhopadhyay, IE, Kolkata: A little beleaguered after the murder of Madan Tamang — the president of moderates All India Gorkha League — the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) on Wednesday said it was ready to talk to Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee on problems plaguing the Hills.
This is the first in recent times that the GJM has agreed to come to the table for talks. GJM Assistant Secretary Binay Tamang told The Indian Express : “The state government wrote to us for a meeting to solve problems in the Hills. We too have written to him that we want to meet.”
Tamang said the GJM had faxed Chief Secretary Ardhendu Sen their consent for the meet.
Meanwhile, a six-member delegation of Darjeeling Civil Society, an NGO, today met Bhattacharjee at Writers’ Buildings and urged him to take measures to restore governance and development work in the hills. They also requested the CM to visit the hills soon. “The CM has accepted the invitation and the date will be fixed sometime later,” Minister for Urban Development Ashok Bhattacharya, who was also present at today’s meeting, said. A delegation of Jalpaiguri-based Adivasi Bikas Parishad will meet Chief Secretary Ardhendu Sen and Home Secretary Samar Ghosh on Thursday to demand inclusion of Dooars and Terai region in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.
Morcha duo get bailTT, Darjeeling, June 30: Two Gorkha Janmukti Morcha activists today surrendered before the judicial magistrate, a day after police booked them for setting up road blockades in the hill town, reports our correspondent.
Dhan Maya Tamang and Babita Ganguly have been granted bail on a personal bond of Rs 1000, each. The duo had been accused of unlawful assembly, criminal intimidation and restraining public servants from discharging duties.
The Morcha has been organising two-hour blockades very day to protest the lathicharge on its supporters in Kurseong on June 16. Yesterday, the party had appealed to its supporters to join the blockades in more numbers.
Pema Chuki Kazini (Wife) &
In Memorium
On 10th Death Anniversary
(7 July 1922 - 1 July 2000)
Time takes away the edge of grief
But memory turns back every leaf
Gone from our lives one so dear
But in our hearts forever near.
But memory turns back every leaf
Gone from our lives one so dear
But in our hearts forever near.
Time changes many things but not the
Memory this day brings
Till now you are still in our minds and hearts
Memory this day brings
Till now you are still in our minds and hearts
for the love and lessons of life that u gave us
Memories are like leaves of gold
They never tarnish or grow old
Locked in our hearts, You will always be
Loved and remembered , For all eternity
They never tarnish or grow old
Locked in our hearts, You will always be
Loved and remembered , For all eternity
It isn't what we write, It isn't what we say
Its how we feel deep inside
As we think of you today... ten years on..
Its how we feel deep inside
As we think of you today... ten years on..
Deeply remembered and missed by all
All Family Members & Relatives
Journalists humiliated PRAKHA, GANGTOK, June 30: An important stakeholders’ meet to understand on long term plans for Sikkim ended in distaste today as journalists covering the event were humiliated when they were caught in the middle of a naked show of sycophancy and an embarrassing understanding of founding principles of ruling party.
Journalists who had covered the seminar organized by State Planning Commission today at Chintan Bhavan had been invited along with other participants for lunch along hosted by the organizers at the banquet hall.
Queuing in an orderly fashion, journalists were waiting for their turn to take food placed in the buffet table. When the turn of journalists came with plates in their hands, they were blocked by DPH ward councilor Srijana Khati.
The councilor had blocked the queue to make way for Gangtok Mayor KN Tobgay who was standing at some distance away. She repeatedly invited the Mayor to come and take the food while blocking the growing queue.
The Mayor remained at where he was and showed no interested in participating in the lunch. Taking this as cue, the first journalist in the queue moved ahead to the buffet table, only to be stopped again by Khati.
Are you bigger than the Mayor?, questioned Khati to the journalist who works for a local Nepali daily in Gangtok. The journalist had already identified himself as a representative from the media.
Upset with such treatment meted out to them, the journalists walked out of the banquet hall without taking part in the lunch.
When a senior journalist tried to reason with the young councilor, he was left speechless with her sharp replies. There is press in Sikkim only because of SDF government, she told the senior journalist.
तुहियो गोर्खाल्याण्ड
नेपालीभाषीहरूको बसोबास भएको दार्जीलिङ पहाडमा गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्य स्थापना गर्ने सय वर्ष पुरानो आन्दोलन निष्फल भएको छ। सञ्जय प्रधान को टिप्पणी - हिमाल खबरपत्रिका
आफूलाई ऐतिहासिक, जातीय, भाषिक, सांस्कृतिक, सामाजिक र अर्थ-राजनीतिक रूपमा पश्चिम बङ्गालका अन्य जातजातिभन्दा भिन्न ठान्ने दार्जीलिङ पहाडवासीले स्वशासनको माग गरेको १०३ वर्ष भयो। यही पृष्ठभूमिमा सुवास घिसिङले ५ अप्रिल १९८० मा गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चा (गोरामुमो) खोलेर सन् १९८६-८८ मा अलग गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्यका लागि हिंसात्मक आन्दोलन चर्काउँदा १२०० व्यक्तिको ज्यान गयो। यतिका मृत्युसँग जोडिएको गोर्खाल्याण्ड दार्जीलिङ पहाडवासीको भावनामा ढुङ्गाको अक्षर बनेर खोपिएको छ।
तर, यो शीतल पहाडको राजनीतिमा पछिल्लो समय प्रभावशाली गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा (गोजमो) का अध्यक्ष विमल गुरुङले गएको मे ३० मा नर्थ प्वाइन्ट स्कूल मैदानमा आयोजित जनसभामा गोर्खा आदिवासी प्रदेश भनेर गोर्खाल्याण्डको नयाँ नामाकरण गरे। सिलगुढीसहितको तराई र डुवर्सका गोर्खा आदिवासीहरूका हितका लागि यो नाम जुराएको उनको भनाइ छ।
भूभाग र नाम परिवर्तन दार्जीलिङका लागि नयाँ होइन। इतिहासमा पटक-पटक यस्तो तानातान खेपेर आएको दार्जीलिङलाई राजनीतिज्ञ र राजनीतिक दलहरूले अद्यापि आ-आफ्नै बाटोमा डोर्याउन/घिसार्न खोजिरहेका छन्। सुवास घिसिङको गोरामुमो अहिले दार्जीलिङलाई भारतीय संविधानको छैटौं अनुसूचीअन्तर्गत बङ्गालभित्रै उच्च क्षमता भएको स्वायत्त क्षेत्र बनाउने लाइनमा छ। पहिला पार्वत्य स्वायत्तता चाहेको अखिल भारतीय गोर्खा लिग (अभागोलि) अलग राज्यको पक्षधर बनेको छ। भारतीय राष्ट्रिय कङ्ग्रेस कहिले जिल्ला स्वायत्तता त कहिले सोझ्ै केन्द्र सरकार अधीनस्थ युनियन टेरिटोरीमा अल्झ्ेको छ। बङ्गालको शासक दल मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टी उच्च अधिकारयुक्त आँचलिक स्वायत्तता दिन हतारिएको देखिन्छ। गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय कङ्ग्रेसले सिक्किमसँग मिलाएर गोर्खाल्याण्ड बनाउने बाटो पकडेको छ।
भूभाग र नाम परिवर्तन दार्जीलिङका लागि नयाँ होइन। इतिहासमा पटक-पटक यस्तो तानातान खेपेर आएको दार्जीलिङलाई राजनीतिज्ञ र राजनीतिक दलहरूले अद्यापि आ-आफ्नै बाटोमा डोर्याउन/घिसार्न खोजिरहेका छन्। सुवास घिसिङको गोरामुमो अहिले दार्जीलिङलाई भारतीय संविधानको छैटौं अनुसूचीअन्तर्गत बङ्गालभित्रै उच्च क्षमता भएको स्वायत्त क्षेत्र बनाउने लाइनमा छ। पहिला पार्वत्य स्वायत्तता चाहेको अखिल भारतीय गोर्खा लिग (अभागोलि) अलग राज्यको पक्षधर बनेको छ। भारतीय राष्ट्रिय कङ्ग्रेस कहिले जिल्ला स्वायत्तता त कहिले सोझ्ै केन्द्र सरकार अधीनस्थ युनियन टेरिटोरीमा अल्झ्ेको छ। बङ्गालको शासक दल मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टी उच्च अधिकारयुक्त आँचलिक स्वायत्तता दिन हतारिएको देखिन्छ। गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय कङ्ग्रेसले सिक्किमसँग मिलाएर गोर्खाल्याण्ड बनाउने बाटो पकडेको छ।
भारतीय इतिहासमा राष्ट्रियताको तुफान उठेको सन् १९०५ तिर बङ्गालको १ लाख ८९ हजार वर्गमाइल क्षेत्रफलभित्र असम र बिहार मात्र होइन उडिसा पनि पर्दथ्यो। यत्रो क्षेत्रफलमा प्रान्तीय शासन सञ्चालन गर्न अव्यावहारिक मानेर छिटोछरितो प्रशासन चलाउन तत्कालीन ब्रिटिस गभर्नर जनरल लर्ड कर्जनले विभिन्न राजशाही विभाग खडा गरेका थिए। बङ्गालमा स्वराज आन्दोलनको लहर चल्दा त्यसको फिलिङ्गो शान्त र सुन्दर दार्जीलिङमा नपरोस् भनेर अङ्ग्रेज सरकारले १९०७ मा यो भूभागलाई बिहारको भागलपुर जिल्लामा गाभिदियो। त्यसबेला कुनै बङ्गालको बाघले विरोधको आवाज निकालेका थिएनन्, बरु दार्जीलिङकै चल्तापुर्जाहरूले बेग्लै प्रशासनिक व्यवस्थाको माग गरेका थिए। ब्रिटिसहरूले कलकत्ताबाट दिल्ली राजधानी सारेको वर्ष १९१२ मा दार्जीलिङ जिल्लालाई फेरि बङ्गालको राजशाही विभागमा गाभेका थिए।
१९१७ मा हिलमेन्स एसोसिएसनले जलपाईगढी, डुवर्स र दार्जीलिङलाई बङ्गालबाट अलग पारेर नयाँ प्रशासनिक क्षेत्र बनाउने माग उठाएको थियो जुन राष्ट्रसचिव मन्टेगू र भाइसराय लर्ड चेम्सफोर्डको टेबुलसम्म पुगेर हरायो। हिलमेन्स एसोसिएसनका हर्ताकर्ता साहित्यकार रुपनारायण सिन्हाले सन् १९४५ तिर दार्जीलिङलाई चिफ कमिस्नर्स प्रोभिन्स अर्थात् केन्द्र शासित इलाका बनाउने प्रस्ताव पनि राखे। १९४६ ताका कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीले सिक्किम, डुवर्स-तराई र पूर्वी नेपालका केही भागलाई दार्जीलिङमा गाभेर सार्वभौम राष्ट्र गोर्खास्थान बनाउने विचार अगाडि सार्यो। भारत स्वतन्त्र हुने समय नजिकिँदै जाँदा अभागोलिका नेताहरू दार्जीलिङलाई असम राज्यमा मिलाउने मागसहित असम चलो नारा लगाउँदै दिल्ली पुगे।
यसैगरी, अभागोलिका नेता रणधीर सुब्बा र हिलमेन्सका सिन्हाले सन् १९४९ मा दार्जीलिङ, जलपाईगढी र कोचबिहार मिलाएर उत्तरखण्ड प्रदेश बनाउन अर्को आन्दोलन गरे। त्यसपछि १९७९ मा प्रान्त परिषद् नामको सङ्गठनले प्रान्तको माग उठायो। १९८० को दशकमा आइपुग्दा सुवास घिसिङको गोरामुमोले भारतमा गोर्खाहरूको छुट्टै गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्यको मागलाई प्रस्ट आकार दियो र अलग गोर्खाल्याण्ड त परको कुरा, गोर्खा शब्दसँग नै परहेज गर्ने पश्चिम बङ्गालका तात्कालीन मुख्य मन्त्री स्व. ज्योति वसुलाई त्यो शब्द लिपिबद्ध गर्न बाध्य बनायो। यद्यपि पछि गएर गोरामुमो दार्जीलिङ गोर्खा पार्वत्य परिषद् (दागोपाप) मै सीमित रह्यो।
गोर्खाल्याण्ड को नाम फेर्न सहमत गोजमोका अध्यक्ष गुरुङ केही महिना अगाडिसम्म बङ्गालभित्र दागोपाप जस्तै कतिपयले छैटौं अनुसूचीकै रुप मानेको अन्तरिम प्राधिकरण लिन तत्पर थिए, जसका दुई नाम प्रस्ताव गरिएको थियो― गोर्खाल्याण्ड रिजनल अथोरिटी र दार्जीलिङ डुवर्स रिजनल अथोरिटी। यसको खुलेर विरोध गर्दागर्दै गएको मे २१ मा अज्ञात समूहबाट अखिल भारतीय गोर्खा लिग (अभागोलि) का अध्यक्ष मदन तामाङको हत्या भयो। हत्याकाण्डको नौ दिनपछि गोजमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङले अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणको कथा सकिएको जनाउँदै अबको लाइन गोर्खाल्याण्ड होइन गोर्खा आदिवासी प्रदेश हुने घोषणा गरे। डुवर्सका कतिपय क्षेत्र समेत समेटिएका प्रस्तावित गोर्खा आदिवासी प्रदेश; स्व. तामाङकै अवधारणा भन्छन्, अभागोलिका महासचिव लक्ष्मण प्रधान। तामाङले पटक-पटक दार्जीलिङ पहाडमा नेपाली भाषी बहुसङ्ख्यामा भएकाले गोर्खा राज्य भाषिक आधारमा हुनुपर्छ भन्दै आएका थिए।
जेहोस्, भारतमा गोर्खाल्याण्ड निर्माण हुने आशा अब रहेन। यसको विकल्प निकाल्ने प्रयासमा लागे जस्तो देखिने केन्द्र र राज्य सरकार डुवर्सका आदिवासी क्षेत्रलाई समेत मिलाएर प्रस्तावित गोर्खा आदिवासी प्रदेश बन्न नदिने चालमा देखिन्छन्। गोर्खाल्याण्ड को अन्तरिम विकल्पमा भने गोर्खा आदिवासी प्रदेश नै हुने स्पष्ट भएको छ।
Film on hill rail bags UK award- Toy train documentary shows life and struggle of Darjeeling people
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| Tarun Bhartiya shoots a toy train chugging through the mist; (above) a shot of Sita Chhetri, a porter at the Darjeeling DHR station, in the documentary. Picture courtesy: Tarun Bhartiya |
Abhijit Sinha, TT, Siliguri, June 30: A three-episode film on the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway and two other mountain train services in India has bagged the award for the best “factual documentary” series conferred by the Royal Television Society in the UK.
Indian Hill Railway, produced by UK-based director Gerry Troyna, has one episode each on the DHR, Nilgiri Mountain Railway and Kalka Shimla Railway — all three recognised as world heritage sites by the Unesco.
While the DHR part was directed by Shillong-based Tarun Bhartiya, the episodes on Nilgiri and Kalka Shimla railways were created by Hugo Smith and Nick Mattingly. Both Smith and Mattingly are from the UK.
“I have done the film on the DHR, portraying several interesting characters in the Darjeeling hills. They are, someway or other, related to the hill railway,” Bhartiya told The Telegraph over the phone from Shillong today. “The toy train is used as a metaphor in the film to show the life of the Darjeeling people, their daily struggle for livelihood and aspirations.”
While elaborating on his experience while shooting the film during the Lok Sabha elections last year, Bhartiya said: “The movement for Gorkhaland has been depicted in the documentary through different characters chosen by our researchers. Not that the agitation has been mentioned in great detail but the characters’ comments show the hill people’s desire for a different identity.”
Sita Chhetri, who works as a porter at the DHR station in Darjeeling, is showcased in the documentary as the quintessential Darjeeling woman, who struggles to make two ends meet.
“She is a widow and has five sons, who study in different classes. Sita is the only bread earner in the family and she desperately wants to ensure that her eldest son get admission to the best college in Darjeeling after he passes Class XII exams. But her son is not ready to continue his study and plans to take up some job to ease the burden of his mother,” said Bhartiya.
Another character viewers come across in the film is Nima Yolmo, a DHR ticket inspector in Kurseong. “Yolmo was trained to be a monk and has vast knowledge in Buddhist scriptures. But he had to take up the DHR job to support his family,” said the director.
The films also talks about the dreams of a DHR pointsman.“Despite working for several years, he still aspires to be a musician and dreams that his son will perform at a local rock band,” said Bhartiya.
It took seven months for Tarun and around 15 others in his crew to complete the film that was broadcast on BBC Four — the cultural and entertainment channel of the British Broadcasting Corporation.
“Heritage buildings and of course, the railway, are also portrayed in the documentary. I am happy that a series, in which I have some contributions, has bagged the renowned award,” said Tarun.
Speaking about Troyna, Tarun said he was a well-known face in the BBC and had made several films on Indian Railways.
Great Railway Journeys, a six-episode film on train travel from Mumbai to south India by Troyna in the eighties, had been nominated for the Bafta (British Academy of Film and Television Arts)’s best documentary series. He has also produced other documentaries titled Bombay Railway, Monsoon Railway and Indian Hospital Train-The Lifeline Express.
The award, Tarun said, had been presented at a function held at Leeds in Yorkshire, UK, on June 14. The Royal Television Society offers training in journalism and documentary production and is a forum for discussion and debate on different aspects of television community.
“As far as I understand, the film has been received well when BBC broadcast it in the UK. In the hills, it was shown by local cable operators and people watched it with great interest.”
Tribe protests tourism venture
TT, Alipurduar, June 30: The Totos have demanded that the backward classes welfare department prioritise infrastructure development over the setting up of tourist lodges in Totopara.
Sensing the Toto fury and apprehending an agitation, BCW minister Jogesh Burman had skipped the inauguration of the two-roomed tourist cottage at Madarihat-Birpara, 72km from Alipurduar, on Sunday, department sources said. The official reason cited was bad weather.
“We were ready with the arrangements, but we also had information that there could be an agitation. We had conveyed it to the minister,” said one of the organisers of the programme.
The Totos, one of the ingenious tribes of north Bengal, have to cross three streams and an equal number of rivers — none of which have bridges — to reach their homes in Totopara, the only place where they are found. Usually the water is knee-deep but in monsoon vehicles have to wait for hours on the banks for the water to recede. “Totopara is 22km from Madarihat. During monsoon, it remains cut off from Madarihat for several days. In this situation, spending lakhs on a tourist cottage is ridiculous. If it was meant to draw tourists so that we earn a living from tourism, then the roads should have been constructed first,” said Ashoke Toto, a member of the Toto Kalyan Samiti.
Ashoke alleged that this year five boys had applied for jobs in the Eastern Frontier Rifles under the Scheduled Tribe quota but the officials on the interview panel in Salua had dismissed them saying the there was no tribe called the Totos in the state. He also alleged that two years ago the North Bengal State Transport Corporation had started plying buses between Madarihat and Totopara but the service stopped after a few months. Such is the government apathy that although Rs 45 lakh was spent on a reservoir and a pipeline along the Hawri river near the Toto village, it was washed away within six months because the site selected was wrong.
Minister Burman, however, dismissed the Toto allegations and hinted that the infrastructure changes were not in the pipeline because visitors to Totopara would like a taste of adventure tourism. “Eco-tourists mainly visit this region in winter when it is easy to reach Totopara. This type of tourists like adventurous journeys through forests and rivers. So I believe the condition of the road will not be an obstacle to the promotion of eco-tourism. Once it is started, local people will be involved in the project.”
5 killed in auto accident
TT, Alipurduar June 30: Five persons were killed, one of them a three-year-old, and three others injured when the auto-rickshaw they were travelling in collided with a bus near Damanpur this afternoon.
The private bus, travelling towards Jalpaiguri, hit the three-wheeler, on its way to Alipurduar town from Rajabhatkhaowa. The driver of the bus lost control of the vehicle while trying to overtake another bus on Buxa Feeder Road and collided with the auto-rickshaw. The deceased have been identified as auto-rickshaw driver Jiban Pal, 51, Shankar Sarkar, 48, Subhash Roy, 45, and Proyash Basnet. The other person has not yet been identified. Kishore Kumar Basnet, his wife Mina and Bunu Karki were admitted to the Alipurduar subdivisional hospital. Later, Bunu was referred to the North Bengal Medical College and Hospital in Siliguri. The driver of the bus has been arrested and the vehicles seized.
Sandalwood
Sandalwood
TT, Siliguri: Officials of the directorate of revenue intelligence seized red sandalwood worth Rs 1 crore from two trucks at Leusipakhri on Wednesday night. DRI sources said the logs were loaded on the vehicles from Jaipur in Rajasthan and the officials suspect that they were being smuggled to Myanmar through Siliguri and the north-eastern states. Drivers of both the vehicles have been arrested.
TT, Siliguri: A delegation of the All India Forward Bloc submitted a memorandum to the sabhadhipati of the Siliguri Mahakuma Parishad here on Wednesday demanding the repair of the embankment on the Mahananda river. According to them, it would help protect areas like Samarnagar and Salbari in the Siliguri subdivision where erosion is occurring because of the rain and rise in the water level.
TT, Malda: The divisional forest officer of Malda Ashok Pratap Singh said on Wednesday that mahouts would be brought from the Jaldapara wildlife sanctuary to steer away the elephant that has been running amok in Ratua since Sunday. The elephant would be driven to the Adina forests if the owner of the animal, Amarmoni Pande, fails to take it back.
Anger at police and party- Victim family alleges inaction
TT, Nanoor, June 30: The family of former CPM MLA Ananda Das, who was killed yesterday by alleged Trinamul Congress supporters, today accused police of arriving late though the leader had frantically called for help. Das was dragged out of his house in Birbhum’s Nanoor village by an armed gang, beaten up and shot dead.
“My husband had repeatedly called up the police when he saw them ransacking the neighbouring party zonal committee office. But the police did not arrive. My husband would not have been killed had the cops responded faster,” Das’s wife Hasi said.
Nanoor police station is less than a kilometre from Das’s house. It should not have taken more than 10 minutes for the cops to reach the scene of the attack. But villagers alleged that the police arrived only after the leader’s murder.
Das’s daughter Chaiti, who had fled home with her three-year-old brother and cousin to escape the attackers, accused the police of inaction even after they arrived. “My father called the police after the gang hurled bombs at the party office,” she said. “The attack continued even after they came.”
Although the family did not allege as much, CPM supporters elsewhere had earlier accused the police of acting late on complaints against Trinamul, the party knocking at the doors of power.
The CPM’s pent-up anger against the police in Nanoor today came to such a pass that villagers chased away the cops posted to guard Das’s house.
The villagers also chased away a police team led by the second officer of Nanoor police station, Samir Dutta, when it went to patrol the village this morning. “Yesterday, you did not come to save our leader. We don’t need you any more,” the villagers told Dutta.
Rabindranath Mukherjee, the Birbhum superintendent of police, claimed that a team of around eight to 10 cops, led by Dutta, had gone to Das’s house “immediately” after the former MLA’s call. “However, they were outnumbered by the 250-strong mob that had descended on the party office,” Mukherjee said.
“The force was too small for the mob and so they could not take any action. We sent reinforcements from various police stations. But by then Das had been killed,” the officer added.
An officer elsewhere said that though the force was outnumbered, the police could still have fired in the air to disperse the mob.
Nanoor officer-in-charge Habibul Hasan has been on leave for three days. “The OC is ill. We today appointed a sub-inspector of Bolpur police station the temporary OC of Nanoor,” Mukherjee said.
Uday Banerjee, the circle officer of Nanoor, was also not present in his office when Das was attacked. Banerjee said he had gone to neighbouring Illambazar “on an assignment”.
The villagers today also alleged that Das’s bodyguard, a constable, was not with him when he was attacked.
The bodyguard, Mohammad Khoda Nawaz, said he had gone for tea. “I had gone for tea at the bus stand (about 200 metres from Das’s house). When I saw the mob, I tried to rush to Anandababu’s house but I could not reach because bombs were being hurled,” Nawaz claimed.
Dilip Sutradhar, a villager, said they “would not allow the police to come to our village.”
Thirteen people have been arrested in connection with the murder and the attack on the CPM office.
Trinamul leader Partha Chatterjee today demanded an inquiry into the alleged Nanoor massacre of 2000 and the subsequent killings of Trinamul supporters in the region.
Nepal cash law nets VIP
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| Imkong Imchen |
TT, New Delhi/Kohima, June 30: Nagaland home minister Imkong L. Imchen was detained at Kathmandu airport this morning for carrying Rs 9 lakh in denominations of Rs 1,000 and Rs 500, which are banned in Nepal.
Nepal allows use of Indian currency up to the denomination of Rs 100 only. Imchen claimed he was not aware of the rule.
The minister, returning with his wife and children after a wedding in Nepal, was about to board a Jet Airways flight to New Delhi when the airport authorities found the cash in his suitcase and detained him for questioning. Soon after, Nagaland chief secretary Lalthara got in touch with Union home secretary G.K. Pillai and sought the help of the Indian embassy.
Following Delhi’s intervention, Imchen, a leader of the ruling Nagaland People’s Front, was released. He arrived in Delhi by an evening flight.
But Imchen said he was “not necessarily” detained. “I only had Rs 2 lakh, one lakh in Rs 500 notes and another in Rs 1,000 notes which they kept with them. They said they may send it back or may not return the money, which is fine. I have to respect the law of the land,” he told The Telegraph after arriving in Delhi.
A source, however, said the minister was under detention and had no alternative but to remain in Kathmandu for a couple of hours.
A spokesperson for the chief minister’s office said Imchen was released immediately after the intervention of the Indian government, adding that the Nepali authorities were convinced about Imchen’s ignorance of the rule.
But the Union home ministry has taken the incident seriously. “How could he be carrying so much money? And why cash?” asked a ministry official. Imchen argued he had the habit of “roaming like a common man and not a minister”.
The Nagaland Congress urged the Centre to dismiss the home minister.
India's city of widow
Discrimination against widows has left thousands of women in West Bengal resorting to prostitution and begging to survive.
In the dark, damp back-streets of Vrindavan, more commonly known as the "city of widows", India's forgotten widows chant for their supper. For a few hours, their prayers earn them enough meagre rupees to survive. These women were once revered as mothers, sisters and daughters; some will die in Vrindavan without seeing any relatives again.
"She becomes a zero and all her powers are lost," says Mohini Giri, the former chair for the commission of women in India and a widow herself. She explains that many conservative Indian families see widows as a liability. Cast out of the family home, they live the rest of their lives in poverty and isolation. "When [a woman] loses her husband and becomes a widow, she loses her identity. A woman deprived, abandoned, malnourished will naturally have a high mortality rate."
For the more than 40 million widows in India – 10% of the country's female population – life is what some have described as "living sati", a reference to the now the prohibited practice of widow burning. Some are as young as 10 years old and are forced to spend the rest of their days in seclusion or earning a living through prostitution.
Only 28% of the widows in India are eligible for pensions, and of those, less than 11% actually receive their entitled payments. If a woman is not financially independent, she is at the mercy of her in-laws and her parents. And if they do not have the will or resources to take care of her and her children, she will be treated like an "untouchable". Financial aid is crucial to widows wanting to lead a self-sufficient life, but the government has failed to provide it.
Many of the 16,000 widows in Vrindavan have no choice but to beg in the streets. Traditionally, widows are only allowed one meal a day and renounce all earthly pleasures. However, Giri provides an alternative refuge and "ashram" for destitute widows in the state of West Bengal. "We break away from the traditional norms of widows being given one meal a day and not being allowed to have meat or certain foods such as garlic and onions."
Orthodox Hindus believe that both meat and certain vegetables have pulses that stimulate blood and are therefore impure. It is no wonder that deaths as a result of malnutrition are 85% higher among widows than married women, according to the Global Ministries Foundation. They are even expected to fast several times a month, sometimes eating nothing but fruit for days on end.
In the last 20 years, Giri has come to believe that "traditions are manmade and are prevalent in society due to its widespread acceptance in the social milieu … a patriarchal Brahaminical society has enforced wrong values in society towards widows". Nevertheless, trying to change the taboos surrounding remarriage and widows' conduct is only possible if the government enforces education to explain their harmful effects. The states of Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal have the highest percentage of widows in India, primarily because of objections to remarriage.
With a recent report conducted by the national commission of women stating that 74% of destitute widows live in West Bengal, there is a clear indication that implementing legislation has been unsuccessful. "Widowhood is not a priority within the government. It is only now that we are pushing the issue with the government, the planning commission and also at the United Nations."
However, the recent 33% quota for women at grassroots political level is a source of great strength for the advocacy of women's rights and enough to see a perceptible change. Giri has established many pioneering shelters for widows that aim to enhance their skills and make them more economically independent. But to make a difference in the longer term, traditional values will have to change.
The Loomba Trust, which aims to alleviate the plight of impoverished widows and their children, announced International Widows' Day in 2005 in an effort to make the UN recognise that an anniversary to mark the occasion could trigger the reform of national laws to eradicate prejudice against them. But anti-widow discrimination does not appear to be a priority. {By- Swati Basu-Guardan.co.uk}
पश्चिम बङ्गालको कुनै पनि स्तरको अधीन स्वीकार नगर्ने तामाङ अखिल भारतीय गोर्खा लिगको भ्रातृ सङ्गठन तरुण गोर्खाको अध्यक्ष भएर सन् १९६९ देखि दार्जीलिङको राजनीतिमा सक्रिय थिए । १९९२ मा गोर्खा डेमोक्रेटिक प|mन्ट -जीडीएफ) खोलेका उनी गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनका एक जुझारु नेता बने । २००३ मा जीडीएफलाई ५५ वर्षपुरानो अभागोलिमा विलय गरेका उनी र्समर्थक धेरै नभए पनि गोर्खाल्याण्डको पक्षमा बोली नफेरी आवाज उठाउने नेतामा पर्थे ।
हत्या हुँदा तामाङ क्रान्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टर्ीीगोरामुमो -सीके) र अभागोलि सम्मिलित पिपुल्स डेमोक्रेटिक प|mन्ट -पीडीएफ) का पनि अध्यक्ष थिए, जसमा विमल गुरुङ नेतृत्वको गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा -गोजमो) सहभागी थिएन । तामाङको हत्या गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनमा उनीसँग कडा विमति राख्ने गोजमोको प्रभाव दार्जीलिङमा छाएको र उनले त्यही दलको भण्डाफोर गर्न खोजिरहेको बेला भएको थियो । गोजमोका लगभग एक्ला प्रतिपक्षी उनी १९८८ मा सुवास घिसिङले गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई दार्जीलिङ गोर्खा पार्वत्य परिषद् -दागोपाप)मा थान्को लगाए जस्तै गुरुङले पनि अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणमा टुङ्ग्याउन लागेको बताइरहेका थिए ।
राजनीतिक दाउपेच
दार्जीलिङमा हालसम्म भएका कुनै पनि राजनीतिक हत्यामा विधिवत् अनुसन्धान र कारबाही भएको छैन । १९९९ को गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चाका नेता सीके प्रधानको हत्याको आरोपमा छत्रे सुब्बा र शरण देवान थुनामा छन् । तर उनीहरू निर्दोष रहेको दाबी गर्ने गोजमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ, प्रधान हत्यामा केन्द्रीय गुप्तचर विभाग -सीबीआई) ले दोषी मानेकाहरू आज पनि सिलिगुडी, जलपाइगुडीतिर घुमिरहेका बताउँछन् । गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनमा होमिएका प्रकाश थिङ र रुद्र प्रधानको हत्याका दोषी पनि पत्ता लाग्न सकेका छैनन् । तामाङको हत्यामा पनि त्यही कुरा दोहोरिने सम्भावना छ ।
एक फ्रान्सेली पर्यटकले मोबाइलबाट खिचेको २ मिनेट ३७ सेकेण्डको भिडियोमा पहेंलो र कालो ज्याकेट लगाएका मानिसले तामाङमाथि आक्रमण गरेको देखिन्छ । हत्याको आशङ्कामा प्रहरीले सिक्किमको सीमाबाट सुवास तामाङ र प्रशान्त र्राईलाई पक्राउ गरेको छ । हत्यामा गोजमोको हात देखाउन लालायित पश्चिम बङ्गाल सरकारले गोजमोका १९ नेता-कार्यकर्तालाई गिरफ्तार गरेको र गएको चार वर्षा निकै शक्तिशाली भएको यो दलसँग अब राजनीतिक वार्ता नगर्ने जनाएको छ । तर, बङ्गाल प्रहरीमाथि अविश्वास गर्दै अभागोलिले सीबीआईबाट अनुसन्धान हुनुपर्ने माग गरेको छ ।
मदन तामाङ गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष घिसिङको दागोपापको पनि कठोर विरोधी थिए । दार्जीलिङमा घिसिङले २१ वर्षएकछत्र शासन गरेको दागोपापकै पार्ष् रहेका गुरुङले चार वर्षघि व्रि्रोह गर्दै गोजमो गठन गरेर गोर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दा बिउँताएपछि केही समय चुपचाप बसेका तामाङ दुइ वर्षेखि लगातार गोजमोमाथि खनिएका थिए । उनको विरोध खास गरेर कसैको कुरा नसुन्ने र भइरहेको कुरा नखुलाउने गुरुङको अपारदर्शी कार्यशैलीमा केन्द्रित हुन्थ्यो । उनी भन्ने गर्थे, "सबैले सुनी राख, फेरि अर्काे दागोपाप अर्थात् गोर्खाल्याण्ड टेरिटोरियल काउन्सिल आउँदैछ ।"
यसबीच गोजमो गोर्खाल्याण्डको विषयमा राज्य र केन्द्र सरकारसँग वार्ता गर्ने स्तरमा पुगिसकेको थियो । सबैलाई थाह छ, पश्चिम बङ्गाल दार्जीलिङलाई अहिलेको भन्दा बढी अधिकार दिन तयार छ, तर आफ्नो नियन्त्रण बाहिर राखेर हैन । बङ्गालको भावनालाई राम्ररी बुझेको केन्द्र सरकार पनि थप अधिकारकै कुरा गरिरहेको छ । त्यसमाथि, बङ्गालमा विधानसभा निर्वाचन आउन एक वर्षमात्र बाँकी छ । यही मेसोमा केन्द्र र बङ्गाल सरकार दार्जीलिङलाई दागोपापको भन्दा बढी स्वायत्ततासहितको अन्तरिम प्राधिकरण दिएर आन्दोलन नाश गर्ने दाउपेचमा लागेको तामाङको खरो विश्लेषण थियो ।
उनको विश्लेषण गलत थिएन भन्ने पुष्टि गोजमोको १२६ विभागको प्रस्तावले गरेको छ । उसले दिल्ली पठाएको प्रस्तावमा दागोपाप विघटन गरेर गोर्खाल्याण्ड रिजनल अथोरिटी वा दार्जीलिङ-डर्ुवर्स रिजनल अथोरिटी बनाउने उल्लेख छ, एक वर्षो भनिएको अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणका लागि वाषिर्क ४०० करोड भारतीय रुपैयाँका दरले पाँच वर्षो बजेट मागिएको छ । तामाङ मानिसहरूलाई यो कुरा बताउन चाहन्थे, तर गोजमोका नेताहरू पहिला घिसिङले जस्तै उनलाई भाषण गर्नबाट रोक्न खोजिरहेका थिए । तामाङले अभागोलिको ६७ औं स्थापना दिवस पारेर १ जेठमा आमसभा गर्न खोज्दा गोजमोले पनि कार्यक्रम राखिदिएकाले ४ जेठका लागि सारेका थिए । त्यस दिन पनि गोजमोको एउटा भ्रातृ सङ्गठनले जुलुस निकाल्ने भनिदियो र फेरि तीन दिन पछाडि र्सार्न बाध्य भए, जुन दिन उनको हत्या नै भयो ।
सन् २००५ मा घिसिङले दागोपापलाई भारतीय संविधानको छैटौं अनुसूचीमा पार्ने कुरा उठाउँदा सबभन्दा पहिला विरोध गर्ने तामाङ नै थिए । मेघालय र आसाम जस्तो जनजाति बहुल नभएकाले त्यसो गर्दा दार्जीलिङको नेपाली जातिमा विभाजन आउँछ, गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्य निर्माणमा बाधा पुग्छ भन्ने उनको तर्क थियो । उनको लगातार विरोधकै कारण छैटौं अनुसूचीको प्रसङ्ग खारेजै नभए पनि दिल्लीको संसद्मा थन्किएको छ । स्वर्गीय तामाङको विरोधकै प्रभावले हुनसक्छ, अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणको कुरा चलिरहेको बेला गोजमोले पनि दार्जीलिङभित्र सिलगुडी र डर्ुवर्स तर्राई गाभ्ने मागमा अडान लिएको छ । यसै विषयमा कुरा नमिल्दा गोजमोका प्रतिनिधिले गएको २८ वैशाखमा दिल्लीमा बङ्गाल र केन्द्र सरकारसँग भएको त्रिपक्षीय वार्ता बहिष्कार गरेका थिए ।
अड्कियो आन्दोलन
तामाङको शवयात्रामा निस्केका हजारौंको भीडले दाजीलिङमा गोजमोका झण्डा र पोष्टरहरू च्यातिदिएको छ । शवयात्रामा उर्लिएको जनसागर र हत्यामा गोजमोको संलग्नताको चर्चाले राज्य सरकार दार्जीलिङको राजनीतिमा आफ्नो पल्ला भारी भएको ठान्दैछ । गोजमोसँग वार्ता नगर्ने मुख्यमन्त्री बुद्धदेव भट्टाचार्यको भनाइ त्यसैको सङ्केत हो । तर, गोजमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ लासमाथिको राजनीतिले बङ्गाल सरकारलाई हानि गर्ने बताउँछन् -हे.बक्स) ।
हत्याकाण्डकै मौका छोपेर बङ्गालले अन्य पार्टर्ीीम्मिलित टोलीसँग मात्र वार्ता गर्ने प्रस्ताव गरेको छ । नगर विकास मन्त्री अशोक भट्टाचार्यले भनेका छन्, "धरातल गुमाइसकेको गोजमोसँग अब वार्ता गर्नुको कुनै अर्थ छैन ।" दार्जीलिङका स्वतन्त्र विश्लेषक अशोककुमार लेप्चा गोर्खाल्याण्ड दिन नचाहने पश्चिम बङ्गाल सरकार केही गुमाउनु परे पनि आफू अनुकूलको नेतृत्व खोज्ने चालमा रहेको बताउँछन् । तर, दार्जीलिङमा अन्य कुनै पनि दल गोजमो बराबर छैनन् । बङ्गालका प्रियपात्र मानिएका गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष घिसिङ पलायन भइसकेका छन् । गोरामुमोकै एक नेता केएन सुब्बा भन्छन्, "घिसिङले दार्जीलिङको राजनीतिलाई अवश्य पनि नियालिरहेका छन्, तर तत्काल र्फकने अवस्था छैन ।"
तामाङ हत्याको समयमा गोजमोका नेताहरू अर्को त्रिपक्षीय वार्ताको तयारीमा थिए । त्यसका लागि सिलगुडी र डर्ुवर्ससहितको नक्सा दिल्ली पठाइएको थियो । तर, के निहुँ पाउँ, कनिका बुक्याउँ भन्ने सुरमा रहेको बङ्गालले तामाङ हत्यापछि मोर्चासँग कुरै नगर्ने भनेको छ । मोर्चाले पनि गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन बिथोल्ने बङ्गालको षड्यन्त्रअर्न्तर्गत तामाङको हत्या भएको गम्भीर आरोप लगाउन बाँकी राखेको छैन ।
त्रिपक्षीय वार्ता हुने भनिएको ११ जेठमा बङ्गाल सरकारले दार्जीलिङमा धारा १४४ -कर्फ्र्यू) लगायो । तर, विमल गुरुङले त्यसलाई तोड्दै जनपर््रदर्शन गरेर जवाफ दिए । तामाङको हत्यापछिको स्थितिलाई उत्तेजित बनाउने प्रयास गरिए पनि त्यसबाट गोजमोको धरातल नहल्लिने गुरुङ र्समर्थकहरू बताउँछन् । हुन पनि, पछिल्लो समय गोर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दालाई राष्ट्रियस्तरका भारतीय जनता पार्टर्ीीतृणमूल कङ्ग्रेस, क्रान्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट आदिले समेत उठाए पनि गोजमोले जसरी बुलन्द बनाएका छैनन् ।
तर, तामाङ हत्यापछिको गन्जागोलले गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई गतिहीनतामै पुर्याएको देखिन्छ । पार्टर्ीी विचारक मानिएका अनमोल प्रसादले राजिनामा दिएपछि गोजमोभित्र भुइँचालो गएको छ । वाममोर्चाले १४ जेठमा सिलिगुडीमा आमसभा गरेर गोजमो प्रतिबन्धित हुनुपर्ने माग गर्यो । सजिलै गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्य पाउने आशा हराउँदै गएको बेला भएको तामाङ हत्याकाण्डबाट आन्दोलन पनि अनिश्चिततामा परेको पत्रकार सुरज शर्मा बताउँछन् ।
हत्याले दार्जीलिङको राजनीति मात्र होइन सम्पुर्ण जनजीवन खल्बल्याएको छ । मानिसहरू १९८६-८८ को आन्दोलनताकाको अवस्था बल्झने त होइन भन्ने शङ्कामा छन् । सोनादका व्यापारी गणेश तामाङले अब त्यस्तो अराजक अवस्था नआस् भन्ने कामना गरे । विश्लेषक लेप्चा भन्छन्, "आन्दोलन भए गोर्खाल्याण्ड प्राप्ति सहज हुन्छ, अराजकता भए जनताले अझ दुःख पाउने छन् ।"
दार्जीलिङका राजनीतिक हत्या
१३ जनवरी १९८९: तत्कालीन राज्यसभा सदस्य मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीका नेता टीएस गुरुङ ।
८ जुलाई १९९२: मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टी कालेबुङ टाउन कमिटिका सचिव सन्तोष कार्की ।
२१ नोभेम्बर १९९२: अभागोलिका महासचिव सुर्दर्शन शर्मा ।
२८ मार्च १९९९: गोरामुमोका नेता रुद्र प्रधान ।
५ मार्च २००१: तकभर चिया बगान ग्राम पञ्चायतका मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट नेता नरेन र्राई ।
२ जुलाई २००२: पश्चिम बङ्गालका भूतपुर्व मन्त्री एवं क्रामाकपाका वरिष्ठ नेता दावा लामाका छोरा देवचन्द ।
३ अक्टोबर २००२: कालेबुङ्गका गोरामुमो नेता सीके प्रधान ।
१४ अप्रिल २००३: गोरामुमोका तत्कालीन दागोपाप पार्ष् प्रकाश थिङ ।
म हुँ गोर्खाल्याण्डको योजनाकार
गोर्खाल्याण्ड प्राप्त नभएसम्म हाम्रो सङ्र्घष्ा रोकिँदैन । बङ्गाल सरकार अहिले पहाडमा डरलाग्दो राजनीति खेल्दैछ र दार्जीलिङलाई हिंसाको मैदान बनाउनतिर लागेको छ । तर, बङ्गालमा राजनीति गर्नुछ भने यहाँका जनताको भावना बुझनर्ुपर्छ । जनता शान्तिको पक्षमा छन् । हामी गान्धीवादी अहिंसात्मक आन्दोलनको पक्षमा छौं । ३२ महिने आन्दोलनमा हामीले मारकाट गरेनौं । अहिले मदन तामाङको हत्याको मौका छोपेर बङ्गालले हामीलाई फसाउने षड्यन्त्र गरेको छ । तर, बङ्गालको षड्यन्त्रमा मुद्दा बिगार्नेलाई समयले माफ गर्ने छैन । गोर्खाल्याण्ड पहिचानको मुद्दा हो । यसका लागि म जे पनि गर्न तयार छु । मेरो परिवारमाथि प्रहार गर्न चाहनेले पहिले ममाथि गोली चलाउनर्ुपर्छ । किनकि, गोर्खाल्याण्डको योजनाकार म नै हुँ । ज्योतिबाबु, अशोकबाबुहरूले बुझे हुन्छ, हामी निर्णायक लडाइँमा छौं । जित हाम्रै हुन्छ । किनकि, हामी वार्ताको टेबुलमा छौं, बन्दुकको नालमा होइन । बङ्गाल सरकारले हामीसँग बन्दुकको भाषा बोल्न सक्तैन । मदन तामाङको हत्याप्रति म धेरै दुःखी छु । तर, मलाई उहाँको हत्यामा जोड्ने चेष्टा गरिएको छ । यो मलाई समाप्त पार्ने फजुल प्रयास हो जुन सफल हुने छैन ।
"She becomes a zero and all her powers are lost," says Mohini Giri, the former chair for the commission of women in India and a widow herself. She explains that many conservative Indian families see widows as a liability. Cast out of the family home, they live the rest of their lives in poverty and isolation. "When [a woman] loses her husband and becomes a widow, she loses her identity. A woman deprived, abandoned, malnourished will naturally have a high mortality rate."
For the more than 40 million widows in India – 10% of the country's female population – life is what some have described as "living sati", a reference to the now the prohibited practice of widow burning. Some are as young as 10 years old and are forced to spend the rest of their days in seclusion or earning a living through prostitution.
Only 28% of the widows in India are eligible for pensions, and of those, less than 11% actually receive their entitled payments. If a woman is not financially independent, she is at the mercy of her in-laws and her parents. And if they do not have the will or resources to take care of her and her children, she will be treated like an "untouchable". Financial aid is crucial to widows wanting to lead a self-sufficient life, but the government has failed to provide it.
Many of the 16,000 widows in Vrindavan have no choice but to beg in the streets. Traditionally, widows are only allowed one meal a day and renounce all earthly pleasures. However, Giri provides an alternative refuge and "ashram" for destitute widows in the state of West Bengal. "We break away from the traditional norms of widows being given one meal a day and not being allowed to have meat or certain foods such as garlic and onions."
Orthodox Hindus believe that both meat and certain vegetables have pulses that stimulate blood and are therefore impure. It is no wonder that deaths as a result of malnutrition are 85% higher among widows than married women, according to the Global Ministries Foundation. They are even expected to fast several times a month, sometimes eating nothing but fruit for days on end.
In the last 20 years, Giri has come to believe that "traditions are manmade and are prevalent in society due to its widespread acceptance in the social milieu … a patriarchal Brahaminical society has enforced wrong values in society towards widows". Nevertheless, trying to change the taboos surrounding remarriage and widows' conduct is only possible if the government enforces education to explain their harmful effects. The states of Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal have the highest percentage of widows in India, primarily because of objections to remarriage.
With a recent report conducted by the national commission of women stating that 74% of destitute widows live in West Bengal, there is a clear indication that implementing legislation has been unsuccessful. "Widowhood is not a priority within the government. It is only now that we are pushing the issue with the government, the planning commission and also at the United Nations."
However, the recent 33% quota for women at grassroots political level is a source of great strength for the advocacy of women's rights and enough to see a perceptible change. Giri has established many pioneering shelters for widows that aim to enhance their skills and make them more economically independent. But to make a difference in the longer term, traditional values will have to change.
The Loomba Trust, which aims to alleviate the plight of impoverished widows and their children, announced International Widows' Day in 2005 in an effort to make the UN recognise that an anniversary to mark the occasion could trigger the reform of national laws to eradicate prejudice against them. But anti-widow discrimination does not appear to be a priority. {By- Swati Basu-Guardan.co.uk}
टाढियो गोर्खाल्याण्ड
दार्जीलिङका प्रखर नेता मदन तामाङको हत्याले गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई कुहिरोको काग झौं दिशाहीन र जनतालाई त्रस्त बनाएको छ । सञ्जय प्रधान र तीर्थ सिग्देल को रिपोर्ट - हिमाल खबरपत्रिका
दार्जीलिङको राजनीतिमा हिंसा नयाँ कुरा होइन । सन् १९८६-८८ को गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनदेखि नै हुँदै आएको हो । त्यस बेला १२०० नेता-कार्यकर्ताको ज्यान गयो । १९८८-२००३ को अवधिमा आठ राजनीतिक हत्या भए । तर, ७ जेठ २०६७ मा शहरबीचको क्लब साइडमा दिनदहाडै भएको अखिल भारतीय गोर्खा लिग -अभागोलि)का अध्यक्ष मदन तामाङको हत्याले भने गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई नै प्रश्नको घेरामा पारेको छ । पश्चिम बङ्गालको कुनै पनि स्तरको अधीन स्वीकार नगर्ने तामाङ अखिल भारतीय गोर्खा लिगको भ्रातृ सङ्गठन तरुण गोर्खाको अध्यक्ष भएर सन् १९६९ देखि दार्जीलिङको राजनीतिमा सक्रिय थिए । १९९२ मा गोर्खा डेमोक्रेटिक प|mन्ट -जीडीएफ) खोलेका उनी गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनका एक जुझारु नेता बने । २००३ मा जीडीएफलाई ५५ वर्षपुरानो अभागोलिमा विलय गरेका उनी र्समर्थक धेरै नभए पनि गोर्खाल्याण्डको पक्षमा बोली नफेरी आवाज उठाउने नेतामा पर्थे ।
हत्या हुँदा तामाङ क्रान्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टर्ीीगोरामुमो -सीके) र अभागोलि सम्मिलित पिपुल्स डेमोक्रेटिक प|mन्ट -पीडीएफ) का पनि अध्यक्ष थिए, जसमा विमल गुरुङ नेतृत्वको गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा -गोजमो) सहभागी थिएन । तामाङको हत्या गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनमा उनीसँग कडा विमति राख्ने गोजमोको प्रभाव दार्जीलिङमा छाएको र उनले त्यही दलको भण्डाफोर गर्न खोजिरहेको बेला भएको थियो । गोजमोका लगभग एक्ला प्रतिपक्षी उनी १९८८ मा सुवास घिसिङले गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई दार्जीलिङ गोर्खा पार्वत्य परिषद् -दागोपाप)मा थान्को लगाए जस्तै गुरुङले पनि अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणमा टुङ्ग्याउन लागेको बताइरहेका थिए ।
राजनीतिक दाउपेच
दार्जीलिङमा हालसम्म भएका कुनै पनि राजनीतिक हत्यामा विधिवत् अनुसन्धान र कारबाही भएको छैन । १९९९ को गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चाका नेता सीके प्रधानको हत्याको आरोपमा छत्रे सुब्बा र शरण देवान थुनामा छन् । तर उनीहरू निर्दोष रहेको दाबी गर्ने गोजमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ, प्रधान हत्यामा केन्द्रीय गुप्तचर विभाग -सीबीआई) ले दोषी मानेकाहरू आज पनि सिलिगुडी, जलपाइगुडीतिर घुमिरहेका बताउँछन् । गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनमा होमिएका प्रकाश थिङ र रुद्र प्रधानको हत्याका दोषी पनि पत्ता लाग्न सकेका छैनन् । तामाङको हत्यामा पनि त्यही कुरा दोहोरिने सम्भावना छ ।
एक फ्रान्सेली पर्यटकले मोबाइलबाट खिचेको २ मिनेट ३७ सेकेण्डको भिडियोमा पहेंलो र कालो ज्याकेट लगाएका मानिसले तामाङमाथि आक्रमण गरेको देखिन्छ । हत्याको आशङ्कामा प्रहरीले सिक्किमको सीमाबाट सुवास तामाङ र प्रशान्त र्राईलाई पक्राउ गरेको छ । हत्यामा गोजमोको हात देखाउन लालायित पश्चिम बङ्गाल सरकारले गोजमोका १९ नेता-कार्यकर्तालाई गिरफ्तार गरेको र गएको चार वर्षा निकै शक्तिशाली भएको यो दलसँग अब राजनीतिक वार्ता नगर्ने जनाएको छ । तर, बङ्गाल प्रहरीमाथि अविश्वास गर्दै अभागोलिले सीबीआईबाट अनुसन्धान हुनुपर्ने माग गरेको छ ।
मदन तामाङ गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष घिसिङको दागोपापको पनि कठोर विरोधी थिए । दार्जीलिङमा घिसिङले २१ वर्षएकछत्र शासन गरेको दागोपापकै पार्ष् रहेका गुरुङले चार वर्षघि व्रि्रोह गर्दै गोजमो गठन गरेर गोर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दा बिउँताएपछि केही समय चुपचाप बसेका तामाङ दुइ वर्षेखि लगातार गोजमोमाथि खनिएका थिए । उनको विरोध खास गरेर कसैको कुरा नसुन्ने र भइरहेको कुरा नखुलाउने गुरुङको अपारदर्शी कार्यशैलीमा केन्द्रित हुन्थ्यो । उनी भन्ने गर्थे, "सबैले सुनी राख, फेरि अर्काे दागोपाप अर्थात् गोर्खाल्याण्ड टेरिटोरियल काउन्सिल आउँदैछ ।"
यसबीच गोजमो गोर्खाल्याण्डको विषयमा राज्य र केन्द्र सरकारसँग वार्ता गर्ने स्तरमा पुगिसकेको थियो । सबैलाई थाह छ, पश्चिम बङ्गाल दार्जीलिङलाई अहिलेको भन्दा बढी अधिकार दिन तयार छ, तर आफ्नो नियन्त्रण बाहिर राखेर हैन । बङ्गालको भावनालाई राम्ररी बुझेको केन्द्र सरकार पनि थप अधिकारकै कुरा गरिरहेको छ । त्यसमाथि, बङ्गालमा विधानसभा निर्वाचन आउन एक वर्षमात्र बाँकी छ । यही मेसोमा केन्द्र र बङ्गाल सरकार दार्जीलिङलाई दागोपापको भन्दा बढी स्वायत्ततासहितको अन्तरिम प्राधिकरण दिएर आन्दोलन नाश गर्ने दाउपेचमा लागेको तामाङको खरो विश्लेषण थियो ।
उनको विश्लेषण गलत थिएन भन्ने पुष्टि गोजमोको १२६ विभागको प्रस्तावले गरेको छ । उसले दिल्ली पठाएको प्रस्तावमा दागोपाप विघटन गरेर गोर्खाल्याण्ड रिजनल अथोरिटी वा दार्जीलिङ-डर्ुवर्स रिजनल अथोरिटी बनाउने उल्लेख छ, एक वर्षो भनिएको अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणका लागि वाषिर्क ४०० करोड भारतीय रुपैयाँका दरले पाँच वर्षो बजेट मागिएको छ । तामाङ मानिसहरूलाई यो कुरा बताउन चाहन्थे, तर गोजमोका नेताहरू पहिला घिसिङले जस्तै उनलाई भाषण गर्नबाट रोक्न खोजिरहेका थिए । तामाङले अभागोलिको ६७ औं स्थापना दिवस पारेर १ जेठमा आमसभा गर्न खोज्दा गोजमोले पनि कार्यक्रम राखिदिएकाले ४ जेठका लागि सारेका थिए । त्यस दिन पनि गोजमोको एउटा भ्रातृ सङ्गठनले जुलुस निकाल्ने भनिदियो र फेरि तीन दिन पछाडि र्सार्न बाध्य भए, जुन दिन उनको हत्या नै भयो ।
सन् २००५ मा घिसिङले दागोपापलाई भारतीय संविधानको छैटौं अनुसूचीमा पार्ने कुरा उठाउँदा सबभन्दा पहिला विरोध गर्ने तामाङ नै थिए । मेघालय र आसाम जस्तो जनजाति बहुल नभएकाले त्यसो गर्दा दार्जीलिङको नेपाली जातिमा विभाजन आउँछ, गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्य निर्माणमा बाधा पुग्छ भन्ने उनको तर्क थियो । उनको लगातार विरोधकै कारण छैटौं अनुसूचीको प्रसङ्ग खारेजै नभए पनि दिल्लीको संसद्मा थन्किएको छ । स्वर्गीय तामाङको विरोधकै प्रभावले हुनसक्छ, अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणको कुरा चलिरहेको बेला गोजमोले पनि दार्जीलिङभित्र सिलगुडी र डर्ुवर्स तर्राई गाभ्ने मागमा अडान लिएको छ । यसै विषयमा कुरा नमिल्दा गोजमोका प्रतिनिधिले गएको २८ वैशाखमा दिल्लीमा बङ्गाल र केन्द्र सरकारसँग भएको त्रिपक्षीय वार्ता बहिष्कार गरेका थिए ।
अड्कियो आन्दोलन
तामाङको शवयात्रामा निस्केका हजारौंको भीडले दाजीलिङमा गोजमोका झण्डा र पोष्टरहरू च्यातिदिएको छ । शवयात्रामा उर्लिएको जनसागर र हत्यामा गोजमोको संलग्नताको चर्चाले राज्य सरकार दार्जीलिङको राजनीतिमा आफ्नो पल्ला भारी भएको ठान्दैछ । गोजमोसँग वार्ता नगर्ने मुख्यमन्त्री बुद्धदेव भट्टाचार्यको भनाइ त्यसैको सङ्केत हो । तर, गोजमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ लासमाथिको राजनीतिले बङ्गाल सरकारलाई हानि गर्ने बताउँछन् -हे.बक्स) ।
हत्याकाण्डकै मौका छोपेर बङ्गालले अन्य पार्टर्ीीम्मिलित टोलीसँग मात्र वार्ता गर्ने प्रस्ताव गरेको छ । नगर विकास मन्त्री अशोक भट्टाचार्यले भनेका छन्, "धरातल गुमाइसकेको गोजमोसँग अब वार्ता गर्नुको कुनै अर्थ छैन ।" दार्जीलिङका स्वतन्त्र विश्लेषक अशोककुमार लेप्चा गोर्खाल्याण्ड दिन नचाहने पश्चिम बङ्गाल सरकार केही गुमाउनु परे पनि आफू अनुकूलको नेतृत्व खोज्ने चालमा रहेको बताउँछन् । तर, दार्जीलिङमा अन्य कुनै पनि दल गोजमो बराबर छैनन् । बङ्गालका प्रियपात्र मानिएका गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष घिसिङ पलायन भइसकेका छन् । गोरामुमोकै एक नेता केएन सुब्बा भन्छन्, "घिसिङले दार्जीलिङको राजनीतिलाई अवश्य पनि नियालिरहेका छन्, तर तत्काल र्फकने अवस्था छैन ।"
तामाङ हत्याको समयमा गोजमोका नेताहरू अर्को त्रिपक्षीय वार्ताको तयारीमा थिए । त्यसका लागि सिलगुडी र डर्ुवर्ससहितको नक्सा दिल्ली पठाइएको थियो । तर, के निहुँ पाउँ, कनिका बुक्याउँ भन्ने सुरमा रहेको बङ्गालले तामाङ हत्यापछि मोर्चासँग कुरै नगर्ने भनेको छ । मोर्चाले पनि गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन बिथोल्ने बङ्गालको षड्यन्त्रअर्न्तर्गत तामाङको हत्या भएको गम्भीर आरोप लगाउन बाँकी राखेको छैन ।
त्रिपक्षीय वार्ता हुने भनिएको ११ जेठमा बङ्गाल सरकारले दार्जीलिङमा धारा १४४ -कर्फ्र्यू) लगायो । तर, विमल गुरुङले त्यसलाई तोड्दै जनपर््रदर्शन गरेर जवाफ दिए । तामाङको हत्यापछिको स्थितिलाई उत्तेजित बनाउने प्रयास गरिए पनि त्यसबाट गोजमोको धरातल नहल्लिने गुरुङ र्समर्थकहरू बताउँछन् । हुन पनि, पछिल्लो समय गोर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दालाई राष्ट्रियस्तरका भारतीय जनता पार्टर्ीीतृणमूल कङ्ग्रेस, क्रान्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट आदिले समेत उठाए पनि गोजमोले जसरी बुलन्द बनाएका छैनन् ।
तर, तामाङ हत्यापछिको गन्जागोलले गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई गतिहीनतामै पुर्याएको देखिन्छ । पार्टर्ीी विचारक मानिएका अनमोल प्रसादले राजिनामा दिएपछि गोजमोभित्र भुइँचालो गएको छ । वाममोर्चाले १४ जेठमा सिलिगुडीमा आमसभा गरेर गोजमो प्रतिबन्धित हुनुपर्ने माग गर्यो । सजिलै गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्य पाउने आशा हराउँदै गएको बेला भएको तामाङ हत्याकाण्डबाट आन्दोलन पनि अनिश्चिततामा परेको पत्रकार सुरज शर्मा बताउँछन् ।
हत्याले दार्जीलिङको राजनीति मात्र होइन सम्पुर्ण जनजीवन खल्बल्याएको छ । मानिसहरू १९८६-८८ को आन्दोलनताकाको अवस्था बल्झने त होइन भन्ने शङ्कामा छन् । सोनादका व्यापारी गणेश तामाङले अब त्यस्तो अराजक अवस्था नआस् भन्ने कामना गरे । विश्लेषक लेप्चा भन्छन्, "आन्दोलन भए गोर्खाल्याण्ड प्राप्ति सहज हुन्छ, अराजकता भए जनताले अझ दुःख पाउने छन् ।"
दार्जीलिङका राजनीतिक हत्या
१३ जनवरी १९८९: तत्कालीन राज्यसभा सदस्य मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीका नेता टीएस गुरुङ ।
८ जुलाई १९९२: मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टी कालेबुङ टाउन कमिटिका सचिव सन्तोष कार्की ।
२१ नोभेम्बर १९९२: अभागोलिका महासचिव सुर्दर्शन शर्मा ।
२८ मार्च १९९९: गोरामुमोका नेता रुद्र प्रधान ।
५ मार्च २००१: तकभर चिया बगान ग्राम पञ्चायतका मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट नेता नरेन र्राई ।
२ जुलाई २००२: पश्चिम बङ्गालका भूतपुर्व मन्त्री एवं क्रामाकपाका वरिष्ठ नेता दावा लामाका छोरा देवचन्द ।
३ अक्टोबर २००२: कालेबुङ्गका गोरामुमो नेता सीके प्रधान ।
१४ अप्रिल २००३: गोरामुमोका तत्कालीन दागोपाप पार्ष् प्रकाश थिङ ।
म हुँ गोर्खाल्याण्डको योजनाकार
 विमल गरुङ, अध्यक्ष गोजमुमो |
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