धेरै दिनपछि बोले छत्र सुब्बा
'मलाई र छोरालाई थुन्दैमा आन्दोलन रोकिँदैन'
मनोज बोगटी, कालिमन्युज, कालेबुङ, 30 सितम्बर। अहिले आन्दोलनबारे केही सोंचेको छुइन भनिरहने छत्र सुब्बालाई आन्दोलनको मोह अझ पनि छ। अहिले नै आन्दोलन गर्ने विचारमा नरहे पनि छुट्टैराज्यको निम्ति आन्दोलन गर्नै पर्ने आवश्यकता छत्र सुब्बाले अनुभव गरेका छन्। तिनी अनुसार तिनी छुट्टैराज्य बाहेक कुनै पनि व्यवस्थाको विरोधमा छन्। आज पत्रकारहरूले तिनलाई सोधेको एक प्रश्नको उत्तर दिँदै तिनले भने, म नेता होइन, आन्दोलनकारी हुँ। जति दिन बॉंच्छु छत्रे नै भएर बॉंच्छु। 11 वर्ष जेलमा बसेकोले घर परिवार लथालिङ्ग छ। यसकारण अहिले नै आन्दोलन गर्ने पक्षमा छुइनँ।
यता छत्र सुब्बाको मुक्ति हुन अघि नै तिनको छोरा सन्तोष सुब्बालाई कालेबुङमा बसमा स्टोभ बम पड्काएको आरोपमा पक्राउ गरियो। छत्रेको मुक्ति हुने निश्चित भएपछि मुक्तिपछि तिनले फेरि गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन गर्ने डरको कारण सन्तोषलाई पक्राउ गरेर छत्रे सुब्बालाई मुंग्रो झुण्डाइदिएको त होइन भन्ने प्रश्न उठ्न स्वभाविक रहेको छ। यसै सन्दर्भमा जान्न चहॉंदा छत्र सुब्बाले भने, म र सन्तोषलाई पक्राउ गर्दैमा गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन रोकिँदैन। तिनले अझ भने, यदि छत्रे सुब्बाको छोरा सन्तोषको दोष छ र तिनलाई दण्ड भएन भने त्यो छत्रको निम्ति धिक्कारको कुरा हुन्छ तर दोष छैन र पनि पक्राउ गरेर राख्छ भने छत्रेले त्यसलाई कहिले सहने छैन। तिनले अझ भने, कुन आधारमा पक्राउ गर्यो, त्यसको इनक्वारी किन गर्दैन? किन बेल हुँदैन? यसको सही जवाब पुलिस प्रशासनसित हुनुपर्छ। तिनले अभियोग लगाएपछि त्यसको सही छानबिन हुनुपर्ने बताउँदै जुन पुलिसले पक्राउ गर्यो उसैलाई कठघरामा उभ्याउनुपर्ने पनि बताए। तिनले शंका गरे अनुसार यसमा बङ्गाल सरकार कै षडयन्त्र रहेको छ।
छत्र सुब्बालई दोगापोपको बिरोध गरिरहेको बेला सुबास घिसिङलाई प्राणघातक आक्रमण गरेको आरोपमा पक्राउ गरेको थियो तर दोष प्रमाणित भएन। तिनलाई 11 वर्षसम्म जेलमा राखेर दागोपापपछि फेरि अर्को व्यवस्था जीटीएमा हस्ताक्षर भएपछि मुक्त गरिदिएको छ। तर तिनलाई मुक्त गरेर तिनको छोरालाई पक्राउ गरिएको छ। सुब्बाले यसैमा बङ्गालको षडयन्त्र रहेको बताएका छन्। अर्कोतिर तिनी गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन अहिले नै गर्ने पक्षमा छैनन्। यता गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले पनि तिनलाई विश्राम गर्न दिनुपर्ने बताएको छ भने तिनीबाट छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलन भएको चहानेहरू पनि छन्। तिनले भुइँचालो पीडितहरूलाई सहानुभूति प्रकट गरे। तिनले भने, भुइँचालो पीडितहरूको अवस्था गम्भीर छ। उनीहरूले सही राहत पाउनुपर्छ। स्मरणीय छ, छत्र सुब्बा 9 सितम्बरको दिन मुक्त बनेका थिए भने त्यसको 22 दिन अघि नै तिनको छोरा सन्तोष सुब्बालाई पक्राउ गरिएको थियो। तिनी विरूद्ध दुइवटा गैरजमानती मुद्दा दर्ता भएकोले आजसम्म पनि तिनको जमानत पाएका छैनन्। तिनलाई अब 7 अक्टोबरको दिन न्यायलयमा उभ्याइने छ।
यता छत्र सुब्बाको मुक्ति हुन अघि नै तिनको छोरा सन्तोष सुब्बालाई कालेबुङमा बसमा स्टोभ बम पड्काएको आरोपमा पक्राउ गरियो। छत्रेको मुक्ति हुने निश्चित भएपछि मुक्तिपछि तिनले फेरि गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन गर्ने डरको कारण सन्तोषलाई पक्राउ गरेर छत्रे सुब्बालाई मुंग्रो झुण्डाइदिएको त होइन भन्ने प्रश्न उठ्न स्वभाविक रहेको छ। यसै सन्दर्भमा जान्न चहॉंदा छत्र सुब्बाले भने, म र सन्तोषलाई पक्राउ गर्दैमा गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन रोकिँदैन। तिनले अझ भने, यदि छत्रे सुब्बाको छोरा सन्तोषको दोष छ र तिनलाई दण्ड भएन भने त्यो छत्रको निम्ति धिक्कारको कुरा हुन्छ तर दोष छैन र पनि पक्राउ गरेर राख्छ भने छत्रेले त्यसलाई कहिले सहने छैन। तिनले अझ भने, कुन आधारमा पक्राउ गर्यो, त्यसको इनक्वारी किन गर्दैन? किन बेल हुँदैन? यसको सही जवाब पुलिस प्रशासनसित हुनुपर्छ। तिनले अभियोग लगाएपछि त्यसको सही छानबिन हुनुपर्ने बताउँदै जुन पुलिसले पक्राउ गर्यो उसैलाई कठघरामा उभ्याउनुपर्ने पनि बताए। तिनले शंका गरे अनुसार यसमा बङ्गाल सरकार कै षडयन्त्र रहेको छ।
छत्र सुब्बालई दोगापोपको बिरोध गरिरहेको बेला सुबास घिसिङलाई प्राणघातक आक्रमण गरेको आरोपमा पक्राउ गरेको थियो तर दोष प्रमाणित भएन। तिनलाई 11 वर्षसम्म जेलमा राखेर दागोपापपछि फेरि अर्को व्यवस्था जीटीएमा हस्ताक्षर भएपछि मुक्त गरिदिएको छ। तर तिनलाई मुक्त गरेर तिनको छोरालाई पक्राउ गरिएको छ। सुब्बाले यसैमा बङ्गालको षडयन्त्र रहेको बताएका छन्। अर्कोतिर तिनी गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन अहिले नै गर्ने पक्षमा छैनन्। यता गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले पनि तिनलाई विश्राम गर्न दिनुपर्ने बताएको छ भने तिनीबाट छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलन भएको चहानेहरू पनि छन्। तिनले भुइँचालो पीडितहरूलाई सहानुभूति प्रकट गरे। तिनले भने, भुइँचालो पीडितहरूको अवस्था गम्भीर छ। उनीहरूले सही राहत पाउनुपर्छ। स्मरणीय छ, छत्र सुब्बा 9 सितम्बरको दिन मुक्त बनेका थिए भने त्यसको 22 दिन अघि नै तिनको छोरा सन्तोष सुब्बालाई पक्राउ गरिएको थियो। तिनी विरूद्ध दुइवटा गैरजमानती मुद्दा दर्ता भएकोले आजसम्म पनि तिनको जमानत पाएका छैनन्। तिनलाई अब 7 अक्टोबरको दिन न्यायलयमा उभ्याइने छ।
बिजुलीपछि अब टेलिफोनको पालो - पार्न थाल्यो विभागले उपभोक्तालाई समस्यामा
मनोज बोगटी, कालिमन्युज, कालेबुङ, 30 सितम्बर। उपभोक्ताः हेल्लो, मेरो टेलिफोन सेवा काटिएको छ, के कारणले होला?
दुर सञ्चार निगम कार्यालयः बील। तपाईँले बील तिर्नु भएको छैन। यसकारण काटिएको हो। शीघ्र नै बील तिर्नु होला। पुनर्जडान हुनेछ। अहिले सन्तो संवाद शुरू भएको छ टेलिफोन उपभोक्ता अनि विभागीय कार्यालय अधिकारीबीच। दूर सञ्चार निगमका कालेबुङ कार्यालयसित सम्पर्क गर्दा सेवा सिलगढीबाट नै काटिएको स्पष्टिकरण दिएको छ। धेरै नै उपभोक्ताहरूको ल्याण्ड लाइन टेलिफोनको इन्कमिङ मात्र छ आउट गोइङ छैन।
बीलको कारण उपभोक्तालाई समस्यामा पार्ने बिजुलीपछि अब टोलिफोनको पालो भएको छ। बिजुलीको बील कै समस्या सुल्झेको छैन अब फेरि टेलिफोनको बीलको झमेला शुरू भएको छ। छुट्टै राज्यको निम्ति गरेको आन्दोलनमा एउटा प्रभावकारी भन्दै गरिएको कार्यक्रम थियो-असहयोग आन्दोलन। यसले राज्य सरकारसित जोडिएको कर सम्बन्धित सबै सेवाको कर नतिर्ने मूल आकांक्षा बोकेको थियो। गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले भनेपछि सबैले नै वाहनको कर, बिजुलीको बील, टेलिफोनको बील, जमीनको कर सबै नै तिर्न बन्द गरेको थियो। तर मोर्चाले छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलन अघि बढाउन सकेन। छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलनलाई स्थगित गरिएपछि असहयोग आन्दोलनमा सामेल उपभोक्ता अथवा जनता चपेटमा पर्न शुरू भयो। राजनैतिकरुपले उपभोक्तहरूको समस्या समाधान गर्ने बाचा गर्ने मोर्चाले पनि ठीक समस्याको समाधानको सूत्र निकाल्न सकेको छैन।
छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलन अघि बढाउन राजनैतिक असक्षमताको कारण नसकेपछि मोर्चाले विकास गर्ने भन्दै जीटीए ग्रहण गर्यो। जीटीए दागोपाप जस्तै र त्यही क्षेत्रको निम्ति स्थापित गरिने व्यवस्था रहेको छ। मोर्चाले जीटीए थाप्ने बित्तिकै छुट्टैराज्यको निम्ति लड्ने र असहयोग आन्दोलन गर्ने जनता भटाभट चपेटमा पर्न थालेका छन्। जीटीए ग्रहण गर्ने वित्तिकै बङ्गाल सरकारले पहाडका बिजुली उपभोक्ताहरूलाई अप्ठ्यारोमा पार्न शुरू गर्यो। तीन वर्ष नतिरिएका बिजुलीका बीलहरू उपभोक्ताहरूको घर घर पुग्न थाल्यो। बीलको मोटो रकम देखेर उपभोक्ताहरूको खुन सुकेको छ। तर मोर्चाले हातमा तीन वर्षसम्मको मोटो रकम उल्लेख भएको बील बोकेर फुस्रुक्क परेका उपभोक्ताहरूलाई राहत दिँदै अगस्त महिनादेखिको मात्र बील तिर्ने आदेश गर्यो। यो आदेशले अझ जनतालाई अन्योलतामा पार्यो। किन भने मोर्चाले घोषणा त गर्यो तर कार्यालयले त्यो घोषणाको डरले काम गरेन।
कार्यालयले जम्मै बील नै उपभोक्तालाई पठाइरहेको छ। अन्तमा धेरै जस्ता उपभोक्ताहरू आन्दोलनको नाममा ठगिएको अनुभव गर्दै जम्मै बील तिर्नतिर लागिरहेका छन्। जसरी पनि उपभोक्तालाई असुविधा पार्ने काम कार्यालय वा निकायद्वारा भइरहेको छ। मोर्चा तर उपभोक्ताको असुविधामाथि गम्भीर छैन। बिजुली विभागले किन मोर्चाको घोषणा हुँदाहुँदै पनि यत्रो बील पठाइन्छ? भन्ने प्रश्नको ठाडे जवाब दिने गरेको छ, मोर्चा सरकार होइन। जबसम्म उच्च निकायबाट आदेश आउँदैन तबसम्म हामीले जिम्मेवारी पुरा गर्नै पर्छ। बील तिर्नु होस् नतिर्नुहोस्, त्यो तपाईँको जिम्मा। हुन पनि अहिलेसम्म बङ्गाल सरकारले असहयोग आन्दोलनको कारण नतिरिएका बीलहरूलाई माफ गरिएको घोषणा गरेको छैन। न त मोर्चाले नै तिर्ने घोषणा गरेको छ।
जीटीएको निम्ति गठित रिब्यु कमिटीले यसबारे छलफल गरेको कुरा त मोर्चा महासचिव रोशन गिरीले जनाएका छन् तर आधिकारिकरूपले केही भएको छैन। सरकारले नोटिफिकेशन जारी नगरेसम्म यो समस्याको समाधान छैन। बिजुलीको बीलको समस्या नै सुल्झेको छैन अर्कोतिर टेलिफोनको बीलको समस्या उपार्जन गरिएको छ। टेलिफोन विभागीय कार्यालयले पनि बिजुली विभागीय कार्यालयले झैं दिएको छ, अहिलेसम्म अगस्तदेखि उता मात्र बील तिर्नुपर्छ भनिएको सरकारी आदेश हामीलाई आएको छैन। यता रोशन गिरीले पनि भनेका छन्, रिब्यु कमिटीले यसबारे छलफल गरेको छ। शीघ्र्र नै सरकारी आदेश जारी हुनेछ। रिव्यु कमिटीले छलफल गरेको महिनादिन पुग्न लाग्यो अनि जब टेलिफोनको अर्को समस्या शुरु भयो तब रोशन गिरीले आदेश नै आउँने बताए। त्यो आदेश कहिले आउने हो स्वंय रोशन गिरीलाई नै थाहा छैन।
यता मोर्चा अध्यक्ष विमल गुरूङले भने, काट्छ भने किन दुइचारजनाको काट्छ? सबैको काटोस्। सबैको काटेर हेरोस्। तिनले समस्याको समाधानको बाटोबारे नबताएर उल्टै विभागलाई नै धम्की दिएकोले पनि यो समस्याको समाधानको निम्ति उपभोक्ता नै अब सचेत रहनुपर्ने हो कि भन्ने परिस्थिति देखापरेको छ। बिजुलीको बील आए पनि सेवा काटिएको थिएन तर टेलिफोनको भने सेवा नै ठप्प पारिदिएको छ। त्यो पनि ठीक दशैंको मौका हेरेर टेलिफोन विभागले उपभोक्तालाई चपेटमा पार्ने काम गरेको छ। दशैंमा टेलिफोन सेवा नितान्तै अनिवार्य रहन्छ भन्ने कुरा थाहा रहेको विभागले यस्तो बेला नै सेवा काटिदिए बील तिर्न उपभोक्ता बाध्य हुनेछ भन्ने कुटनीति अप्नाएको स्पष्ट देखिएको छ। बिजुली र टेलिफोनले त अब सताउन शुरू गर्यो, यस्ता धेरैवटा असहयोग आन्दोलन छ, जसले समस्या खडा गर्न डल्लै बॉंकी छ। रोशन गिरीले रिब्यु कमिटीले गरेको छलफलस्वरूप यी जम्मै समस्याको समाधानको निम्ति विभागहरूलाई केही महिना (निश्चित छैन) पछि सरकारी आदेश आउने बताएपनि त्यतिञ्जेल भने विभागहरूले पैसा असुल्न अझ कस्ताकस्ता गोटी फ्यॉंक्ने हो, उपभोक्ताहरू यसैले पीडित बनेका छन् ।
बीलको कारण उपभोक्तालाई समस्यामा पार्ने बिजुलीपछि अब टोलिफोनको पालो भएको छ। बिजुलीको बील कै समस्या सुल्झेको छैन अब फेरि टेलिफोनको बीलको झमेला शुरू भएको छ। छुट्टै राज्यको निम्ति गरेको आन्दोलनमा एउटा प्रभावकारी भन्दै गरिएको कार्यक्रम थियो-असहयोग आन्दोलन। यसले राज्य सरकारसित जोडिएको कर सम्बन्धित सबै सेवाको कर नतिर्ने मूल आकांक्षा बोकेको थियो। गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले भनेपछि सबैले नै वाहनको कर, बिजुलीको बील, टेलिफोनको बील, जमीनको कर सबै नै तिर्न बन्द गरेको थियो। तर मोर्चाले छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलन अघि बढाउन सकेन। छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलनलाई स्थगित गरिएपछि असहयोग आन्दोलनमा सामेल उपभोक्ता अथवा जनता चपेटमा पर्न शुरू भयो। राजनैतिकरुपले उपभोक्तहरूको समस्या समाधान गर्ने बाचा गर्ने मोर्चाले पनि ठीक समस्याको समाधानको सूत्र निकाल्न सकेको छैन।
छुट्टैराज्यको आन्दोलन अघि बढाउन राजनैतिक असक्षमताको कारण नसकेपछि मोर्चाले विकास गर्ने भन्दै जीटीए ग्रहण गर्यो। जीटीए दागोपाप जस्तै र त्यही क्षेत्रको निम्ति स्थापित गरिने व्यवस्था रहेको छ। मोर्चाले जीटीए थाप्ने बित्तिकै छुट्टैराज्यको निम्ति लड्ने र असहयोग आन्दोलन गर्ने जनता भटाभट चपेटमा पर्न थालेका छन्। जीटीए ग्रहण गर्ने वित्तिकै बङ्गाल सरकारले पहाडका बिजुली उपभोक्ताहरूलाई अप्ठ्यारोमा पार्न शुरू गर्यो। तीन वर्ष नतिरिएका बिजुलीका बीलहरू उपभोक्ताहरूको घर घर पुग्न थाल्यो। बीलको मोटो रकम देखेर उपभोक्ताहरूको खुन सुकेको छ। तर मोर्चाले हातमा तीन वर्षसम्मको मोटो रकम उल्लेख भएको बील बोकेर फुस्रुक्क परेका उपभोक्ताहरूलाई राहत दिँदै अगस्त महिनादेखिको मात्र बील तिर्ने आदेश गर्यो। यो आदेशले अझ जनतालाई अन्योलतामा पार्यो। किन भने मोर्चाले घोषणा त गर्यो तर कार्यालयले त्यो घोषणाको डरले काम गरेन।
कार्यालयले जम्मै बील नै उपभोक्तालाई पठाइरहेको छ। अन्तमा धेरै जस्ता उपभोक्ताहरू आन्दोलनको नाममा ठगिएको अनुभव गर्दै जम्मै बील तिर्नतिर लागिरहेका छन्। जसरी पनि उपभोक्तालाई असुविधा पार्ने काम कार्यालय वा निकायद्वारा भइरहेको छ। मोर्चा तर उपभोक्ताको असुविधामाथि गम्भीर छैन। बिजुली विभागले किन मोर्चाको घोषणा हुँदाहुँदै पनि यत्रो बील पठाइन्छ? भन्ने प्रश्नको ठाडे जवाब दिने गरेको छ, मोर्चा सरकार होइन। जबसम्म उच्च निकायबाट आदेश आउँदैन तबसम्म हामीले जिम्मेवारी पुरा गर्नै पर्छ। बील तिर्नु होस् नतिर्नुहोस्, त्यो तपाईँको जिम्मा। हुन पनि अहिलेसम्म बङ्गाल सरकारले असहयोग आन्दोलनको कारण नतिरिएका बीलहरूलाई माफ गरिएको घोषणा गरेको छैन। न त मोर्चाले नै तिर्ने घोषणा गरेको छ।
जीटीएको निम्ति गठित रिब्यु कमिटीले यसबारे छलफल गरेको कुरा त मोर्चा महासचिव रोशन गिरीले जनाएका छन् तर आधिकारिकरूपले केही भएको छैन। सरकारले नोटिफिकेशन जारी नगरेसम्म यो समस्याको समाधान छैन। बिजुलीको बीलको समस्या नै सुल्झेको छैन अर्कोतिर टेलिफोनको बीलको समस्या उपार्जन गरिएको छ। टेलिफोन विभागीय कार्यालयले पनि बिजुली विभागीय कार्यालयले झैं दिएको छ, अहिलेसम्म अगस्तदेखि उता मात्र बील तिर्नुपर्छ भनिएको सरकारी आदेश हामीलाई आएको छैन। यता रोशन गिरीले पनि भनेका छन्, रिब्यु कमिटीले यसबारे छलफल गरेको छ। शीघ्र्र नै सरकारी आदेश जारी हुनेछ। रिव्यु कमिटीले छलफल गरेको महिनादिन पुग्न लाग्यो अनि जब टेलिफोनको अर्को समस्या शुरु भयो तब रोशन गिरीले आदेश नै आउँने बताए। त्यो आदेश कहिले आउने हो स्वंय रोशन गिरीलाई नै थाहा छैन।
यता मोर्चा अध्यक्ष विमल गुरूङले भने, काट्छ भने किन दुइचारजनाको काट्छ? सबैको काटोस्। सबैको काटेर हेरोस्। तिनले समस्याको समाधानको बाटोबारे नबताएर उल्टै विभागलाई नै धम्की दिएकोले पनि यो समस्याको समाधानको निम्ति उपभोक्ता नै अब सचेत रहनुपर्ने हो कि भन्ने परिस्थिति देखापरेको छ। बिजुलीको बील आए पनि सेवा काटिएको थिएन तर टेलिफोनको भने सेवा नै ठप्प पारिदिएको छ। त्यो पनि ठीक दशैंको मौका हेरेर टेलिफोन विभागले उपभोक्तालाई चपेटमा पार्ने काम गरेको छ। दशैंमा टेलिफोन सेवा नितान्तै अनिवार्य रहन्छ भन्ने कुरा थाहा रहेको विभागले यस्तो बेला नै सेवा काटिदिए बील तिर्न उपभोक्ता बाध्य हुनेछ भन्ने कुटनीति अप्नाएको स्पष्ट देखिएको छ। बिजुली र टेलिफोनले त अब सताउन शुरू गर्यो, यस्ता धेरैवटा असहयोग आन्दोलन छ, जसले समस्या खडा गर्न डल्लै बॉंकी छ। रोशन गिरीले रिब्यु कमिटीले गरेको छलफलस्वरूप यी जम्मै समस्याको समाधानको निम्ति विभागहरूलाई केही महिना (निश्चित छैन) पछि सरकारी आदेश आउने बताएपनि त्यतिञ्जेल भने विभागहरूले पैसा असुल्न अझ कस्ताकस्ता गोटी फ्यॉंक्ने हो, उपभोक्ताहरू यसैले पीडित बनेका छन् ।
बाटो बनाउ मैला फ्यॉंक - अब टिस्टामा फ्यॉंक्ने कि भालूखोपमा?
मनोज बोगटी, कालिमन्युज, कालेबुङ, 30 सितम्बर। हरेक प्रश्नको उत्तर विकल्पमा नै ठोक्काउने कालेबुङ नगरपालिका अघि अब एउटा बलियो विकल्प उभिएको छ। कुनै विकल्प नभएकोले टिस्टामा मैला फ्यॉंक्न बाध्य छौं भन्ने अनि टिस्टामा नगरपालिकाले मैला फ्यॉंकेको समाचार प्रकाशित गर्दा रिसाउने नगरपालिकाले खोजेको विकल्प भालूखोपबासीले नै निकालि दिएका छन्। त्यो विकल्पलाई नगरपालिकाले मान्ने हो कि होइन, नागरिक सुरक्षा मञ्चले सोधिदिने भएको छ। भालूखोपमा पक्का बाटो छैन, पक्का बाटो बनाइदिन्छ भने अस्थायीरुपले डम्पिङ गर्ने ठाउँ हामी दिन्छौं-भालूखोपका सूरज राई अनि जितबहादुर छेत्रीको बार्गेनिङ यस्तो छ।
उनीहरूसित मैला फ्यॉंक्नको निम्ति पर्याप्त ठाउँ छ, जहॉं फ्यॉंकिएको मैलाले कसैलाई असर गर्दैन। भालूखोप जहॉं उनीहरू बस्छन्, त्यहॉं गाडी चल्ने बाटो नभएकोले जुन असुविधा छ, त्यसको समाधान खोज्दै जॉंदा नगरपालिकाको सधैँको गुनासो रहने विकल्पमा भेटियो। नगरमा नगरपालिकालाई कसैले नगरको मैला फ्यॉंक्ने ठाउँ दिँदैन। नगरपालिकासित पनि जमीन छैन। भालूखोपमा मैला फ्यॉंक्न बन्द गरिएको छ। डम्पिङ बनाउने राशि पनि छैन। यता उताबाट तानतुन पारेर नगरपालिकाद्वारा नेवार गाउँमा नयॉं डम्पिङ त बनाइँदैछ तर त्यहॉंसम्म पुग्ने बाटो खराब छ। सानो पैह्रो धस्कियो कि निर्माण कार्य ठप्प। सुप्रिम कोर्टले खुला ठाउँमा डम्पिङ गर्न नपाइने आदेश दिइसकेको छ। खुला ठाउँमा डम्पिङ गरेको भेटियो कि मुद्दा लाग्ने छ। तर कालेबुङ नगरपालिकाले त टिस्टा नदीमा नै मैला फ्यॉंक्दै आइरहेको छ। किन टिस्टामा फ्यॉंकिएको हो? भनेर सोधिएमा कहॉं फ्यॉंक्नु त? भन्ने ठाडो जवाब नगरपालिका अधिकारीबाट आउने गरेको छ।
कुनै विकल्प नरहेकोले नै टिस्टामा मैला फ्यॉंक्न नगरपालिका बाध्य छ। कुनै पनि सङ्घ संस्थाले नगरपालिकाको यस्तो अवैद्ध कार्यमा रोक लगाउन सकेको छैन किन भने मैला फ्यॉंक्ने विकल्प नै नगरपालिकासित छैन। क्रान्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीले टिस्टामा मैला फ्यॉंक्दा विरोध गरिरहेको थियो तर त्यो पार्टी पनि अहिले चुपचाप छ। विकल्प नै नरहेपछि सबैको आवाजलाई दबाउनु सजिलो भएको छ नगरपालिकालाई। अब बाटो बनाइदिने शर्तमा भालूखोप बासीले नै नगरपालिकालाई विकल्प निकालिदिएको छ। नगरपालिकाले यो विकल्प मन पराउने हो होइन निश्चित छैन किन भने यो विकल्प मान्नुको निम्ति बाटो बनाइनुपर्छ। डम्पिङ बनाउने राशि नभएको नगरपालिकाले खासमहलमा कसरी बाटो बनाउने हो भन्न सकिँदैन। इच्छाशक्ति र नगरवासीको समस्याप्रति गम्भीर हुनु हो भने जुक्ति अनेकौं हुन सक्छन्।
यसै पनि तत्कालीन जिल्लापालले बङ्गालको प्रदूषण नियन्त्रण पर्षदबाट 2 करोड 29 लाख डम्पिङ बनाउन अऩुमोदन गर्यो भनेर 2005 मा नै भनेको हो। जति बेला भालूखोपबासीले पुरानो डम्पिङमा मैला फ्यॉंक्न बन्द गरिदिएको थियो। अहिलेका महकुमा अधिकारीले त्यसरी राशि अनुमोदन भएको कुनै रेकर्ड नगरपालिकामा नरहेको जनाएर जिल्लापाल समेतको रवैयाको पोल खोलिसकेको छ। धेरै वर्षपछि त्यही भालूखोप जहॉंका नागरिकहरूले पुरानो डम्पिङ ग्राउण्डमा मैला फ्यॉंक्न बन्द गरेको थियो, त्यहीँका दुइ नागरिकले विकल्प अघि ल्याएका छन्, तर टिस्टामा मैला फ्यॉंक्न पल्केको नगरपालिकालाई विकल्प पच्ने हो होइन,निश्चित छैन।
उनीहरूसित मैला फ्यॉंक्नको निम्ति पर्याप्त ठाउँ छ, जहॉं फ्यॉंकिएको मैलाले कसैलाई असर गर्दैन। भालूखोप जहॉं उनीहरू बस्छन्, त्यहॉं गाडी चल्ने बाटो नभएकोले जुन असुविधा छ, त्यसको समाधान खोज्दै जॉंदा नगरपालिकाको सधैँको गुनासो रहने विकल्पमा भेटियो। नगरमा नगरपालिकालाई कसैले नगरको मैला फ्यॉंक्ने ठाउँ दिँदैन। नगरपालिकासित पनि जमीन छैन। भालूखोपमा मैला फ्यॉंक्न बन्द गरिएको छ। डम्पिङ बनाउने राशि पनि छैन। यता उताबाट तानतुन पारेर नगरपालिकाद्वारा नेवार गाउँमा नयॉं डम्पिङ त बनाइँदैछ तर त्यहॉंसम्म पुग्ने बाटो खराब छ। सानो पैह्रो धस्कियो कि निर्माण कार्य ठप्प। सुप्रिम कोर्टले खुला ठाउँमा डम्पिङ गर्न नपाइने आदेश दिइसकेको छ। खुला ठाउँमा डम्पिङ गरेको भेटियो कि मुद्दा लाग्ने छ। तर कालेबुङ नगरपालिकाले त टिस्टा नदीमा नै मैला फ्यॉंक्दै आइरहेको छ। किन टिस्टामा फ्यॉंकिएको हो? भनेर सोधिएमा कहॉं फ्यॉंक्नु त? भन्ने ठाडो जवाब नगरपालिका अधिकारीबाट आउने गरेको छ।
कुनै विकल्प नरहेकोले नै टिस्टामा मैला फ्यॉंक्न नगरपालिका बाध्य छ। कुनै पनि सङ्घ संस्थाले नगरपालिकाको यस्तो अवैद्ध कार्यमा रोक लगाउन सकेको छैन किन भने मैला फ्यॉंक्ने विकल्प नै नगरपालिकासित छैन। क्रान्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीले टिस्टामा मैला फ्यॉंक्दा विरोध गरिरहेको थियो तर त्यो पार्टी पनि अहिले चुपचाप छ। विकल्प नै नरहेपछि सबैको आवाजलाई दबाउनु सजिलो भएको छ नगरपालिकालाई। अब बाटो बनाइदिने शर्तमा भालूखोप बासीले नै नगरपालिकालाई विकल्प निकालिदिएको छ। नगरपालिकाले यो विकल्प मन पराउने हो होइन निश्चित छैन किन भने यो विकल्प मान्नुको निम्ति बाटो बनाइनुपर्छ। डम्पिङ बनाउने राशि नभएको नगरपालिकाले खासमहलमा कसरी बाटो बनाउने हो भन्न सकिँदैन। इच्छाशक्ति र नगरवासीको समस्याप्रति गम्भीर हुनु हो भने जुक्ति अनेकौं हुन सक्छन्।
यसै पनि तत्कालीन जिल्लापालले बङ्गालको प्रदूषण नियन्त्रण पर्षदबाट 2 करोड 29 लाख डम्पिङ बनाउन अऩुमोदन गर्यो भनेर 2005 मा नै भनेको हो। जति बेला भालूखोपबासीले पुरानो डम्पिङमा मैला फ्यॉंक्न बन्द गरिदिएको थियो। अहिलेका महकुमा अधिकारीले त्यसरी राशि अनुमोदन भएको कुनै रेकर्ड नगरपालिकामा नरहेको जनाएर जिल्लापाल समेतको रवैयाको पोल खोलिसकेको छ। धेरै वर्षपछि त्यही भालूखोप जहॉंका नागरिकहरूले पुरानो डम्पिङ ग्राउण्डमा मैला फ्यॉंक्न बन्द गरेको थियो, त्यहीँका दुइ नागरिकले विकल्प अघि ल्याएका छन्, तर टिस्टामा मैला फ्यॉंक्न पल्केको नगरपालिकालाई विकल्प पच्ने हो होइन,निश्चित छैन।
व्यर्थमा जीटीए थापेछु भन्ने मोर्चा अध्यक्षको पछुतोलाई - क्रामाकपाको स्वागत छ-तारामणि राई
मनोज बोगटी, कालिमन्युज, कालेबुङ, 30 सितम्बर। कमसेकम गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाका अध्यक्ष विमल गुरूङलाई भुइँचालोको कारण भए पनि जीटीए थाप्नु गल्ती भएछ भन्ने कुरा थाहा भयो, तिनको पछुतोलाई क्रामाकपाको स्वागत छ-क्रामाकपा महासचिव तारामणि राईले आज पत्रकारहरूलाई बताए।
गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाका अध्यक्ष विमल गुरूङले भुइँचालोले दार्जीलिङ जिल्लाका विभिन्न क्षेत्रहरूमा व्यापक क्षति पुर्याएको भए पनि राज्यलाई चिलाइ न कनाइ भएकोमा राज्य सरकार अनि मुख्यमन्त्रीसित मन दुखाउँदै बारम्बार जीटीए थाप्नु गल्ती भएको अनुभव भएको कुरा पत्रकारहरूलाई जनाइरहेका छन्। हिजो पनि तिनले भनेका थिए, जुन क्षति पहाडलाई भएको छ अनि जुन क्षति गाउँबस्तीका मानिसहरुले भोग्नु परिरहेको छ अनि सरकार भने चुपचाप छ। यस्तो देख्दा व्यर्थैमा जीटीए थापिएछ जस्तो लागेको छ। तिनले यो कुरा कालेबुङका विभिन्न क्षतिग्रस्त क्षेत्रहरूको निरीक्षण गर्दै कालेबुङ आएदेखि धेरैपल्ट दोहोर्याइ सकेका छन्। गुरूङले जीटीए थाप्नुमा पछुतो गरेको भए पनि जीटीएलाई भने लत्याउने कुरा गरेका छैनन्। तिनले राज्य सरकार र केन्द्र सरकारले दार्जीलिङमा धेरै क्षति हुँदा पनि कुनै प्रकारको क्षतिपुर्ती र यसको निम्ति निरीक्षण नगरेकोले राज्य भएको भए सबैले हेर्ने थिएछ भन्ने कुरा गरिरहेका छन्।
गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाका अध्यक्ष विमल गुरूङले भुइँचालोले दार्जीलिङ जिल्लाका विभिन्न क्षेत्रहरूमा व्यापक क्षति पुर्याएको भए पनि राज्यलाई चिलाइ न कनाइ भएकोमा राज्य सरकार अनि मुख्यमन्त्रीसित मन दुखाउँदै बारम्बार जीटीए थाप्नु गल्ती भएको अनुभव भएको कुरा पत्रकारहरूलाई जनाइरहेका छन्। हिजो पनि तिनले भनेका थिए, जुन क्षति पहाडलाई भएको छ अनि जुन क्षति गाउँबस्तीका मानिसहरुले भोग्नु परिरहेको छ अनि सरकार भने चुपचाप छ। यस्तो देख्दा व्यर्थैमा जीटीए थापिएछ जस्तो लागेको छ। तिनले यो कुरा कालेबुङका विभिन्न क्षतिग्रस्त क्षेत्रहरूको निरीक्षण गर्दै कालेबुङ आएदेखि धेरैपल्ट दोहोर्याइ सकेका छन्। गुरूङले जीटीए थाप्नुमा पछुतो गरेको भए पनि जीटीएलाई भने लत्याउने कुरा गरेका छैनन्। तिनले राज्य सरकार र केन्द्र सरकारले दार्जीलिङमा धेरै क्षति हुँदा पनि कुनै प्रकारको क्षतिपुर्ती र यसको निम्ति निरीक्षण नगरेकोले राज्य भएको भए सबैले हेर्ने थिएछ भन्ने कुरा गरिरहेका छन्।
तिनले राज्य र केन्द्रसित बारम्बार मन दुखाए पनि राज्य र केन्द्रलाई लुतो न कनाइ भएपछि बरू छुट्टैराज्य नै हुनुपर्ने रहेछ, यस्तो जीटीएले त नहुने रहेछ भन्ने अनुभव भएको कुरा गरेका हुन्। आज क्रामाकपा महासचिव तारामणि राईले अब भने विमल गुरूङले पनि छुट्टैराज्यको अर्थ बुझेको बताए। ढिलै भए पनि तिनले जीटीएप्रति गरेको पछुतोलाई क्रामाकपाले हार्दिक स्वागत गरेको कुरा पनि राईले बताएका छन्। क्रामाकपाले जीटीएले चिह्नारी नबन्ने कुरा गर्दै सानासाना व्यवस्था सबै टालटुले प्रमुख समाधान छुट्टैराज्य भन्दै आइरहेको छ। यता गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्य बन्न अहिले नै नसक्ने भन्दै केन्द्र र राज्य सरकारको सुझावमा जीटीएमा हस्ताक्षर गरिसकेको छ।
यता भर्खर कालेबुङमा आफ्ना कार्यकर्ताहरूलाई सम्बोधन गर्दै विमल गुरूङले आफूले जीटीएमा हस्ताक्षर नगरेको अनि जहिले पनि त्यसलाई लत्याउन सक्ने बताएका थिए। भुइँचालाले दार्जीलिङमा पनि हजारौं करोडको क्षति गरेको छ तर पनि राज्य र केन्द्रले एकैपल्ट पनि दार्जीलिङ अथवा जीटीएको नाम लिएको छैन। यस्तो हुँदा सरकारले कसरी हेप्दा रहेछन् भन्ने कुरा विमल गुरूङले राम्ररी अहिले अनुभव गरिरहेका छन्। तर तिनले पनि अहिले अनुभव मात्र गरिरहेका छन्, अनुभव भएको कुरालाई सफल गर्न जीटीएलाई त्याग्ने कुरा नगरेकोले वास्तवमा नै विमल गुरूङले गोर्खाल्याण्ड राज्यको मुद्दालाई कसरी बुझेका छन् भन्ने कुरा राम्ररी खुलेको छैन। यता क्रामाकपा महासचिव तारामणि राईले मोर्चाले अहिले सही कुरा उठाएको भन्दै मोर्चाले गरेको राज्य र केन्द्रले दार्जीलिङको निम्ति पनि गतिलो राहत कोष दिइनुपर्ने कुरा पनि स्वागत योग्य रहेको जनाएका छन्। तिनले राज्य र केन्द्रको दृष्टिकोण गोर्खाहरूलाई लिएर राम्रो नरहेकोले नै गोर्खाहरूलाई देशमा चिह्नारीको संकट रहेको अनि यसैको समाधानको निम्ति गोर्खाहरूको निम्ति छुट्टैराज्य हुनुपर्ने माग क्रामाकपाले गर्दै आइरहेको पनि जनाएका छन्।
Mamata to meet Bhutan PM todayTNN, Sep 30, 2011, 11, KOLKATA: Mamata Banerjee is likely to discuss issues related to Bengal-Bhutan border with the country's Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley at a scheduled meeting at Raj Bhavan on Friday. According to sources in the Royal Bhutan consulate, Thinley is scheduled to arrive in the city late Thursday night. He would attend the annual meeting of Maha Bodhi Society of India on Friday. He would also be present at a lunch hosted by governor M K Narayanan before meeting the chief minister.
One of the worrying factors on the Bengal-Bhutan border is the activity of militant groups. While the Kamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO) has a history of taking shelter in the jungles of Bhutan in the past, for Bhutan the real cause of concern is the activities of Nepal Maoists in the border region. KLO militant had been driven out of Bhutan in an operation by the Bhutan army in 2003.
Bhutan is also known to keep tabs on the process of formation of the Gorkhaland Territorial Council in Darjeeling. With inclusion of areas in the Dooars, the territory of GTA could abut the Bhutan border.
Among the other issues that can figure in the talks is the bilateral trade between Bengal and Bhutan.
The Bhutan prime minister would also meet on Friday joint secretary (north) of external affairs ministry Akhilesh Mishra, who would receive Thinley at Dum Dum airport on Thursday night on behalf of the Centre. Earlier this month, India and Bhutan in an official talk in Delhi had discussed at length about security and border management, threat perception and sharing of real-time information. Bhutan is considered an important partner in ensuring India's external security.
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| Some of the shut shops near the Chhangu Lake on Friday. The shop-owners said in the absence of tourists, their livelihoods were at stake. Picture by Prabin Khaling |
However, the Sikkim government is yet to take a call on whether to allow visitors at Chhangu Lake, Baba Mandir and the international border — tourist destinations in East district. Trade with the Tibetan Autonomous Region through Nathu-la or the border pass at 14,400ft has also stopped since the September 18 earthquake.
The army had set up relief camps at Kyongnosla and Chhangu where the villagers had been provided with food, shelter and medical attention for all these days.
Twenty-two landslides, minor and major, and the huge boulders brought down by them had blocked 52km of JN Marg. Three stretches of the road had been washed away in the rain.
Project Swastik, which looks after the highway connectivity in Sikkim, engaged seven hydraulic excavators, two bulldozers and four air-compressors (to power the drilling machines) and more than 50 labourers to clear the debris. They also rebuilt the roads at three points and finally JN Marg opened yesterday afternoon.
One of the points is a 55-metre stretch at Km 22.1 that had been peeled off along with a 70m portion of the hillside. Similar breaches of shorter length occurred at two more points on the way to nearest settlement at Kyongnosla, 25km before Nathu-la.
“We had managed to crush and sweep away boulders by September 23 to reach these road breaches. The breach at Km 22.1 was most severe and we used two excavators and two air-compressors from both ends to cut inside the hill and create a new road. By 1pm yesterday, JN Marg was ready,” said Sachin Kumar, the officer in charge of 422 road maintenance platoon of Project Swastik.
The restoration work had been hampered by inclement weather in the first few days after the quake and fog, which descends in high-altitude areas (ranging from Gangtok at 5500ft to Nathu-la) almost every afternoon. Along with early dusk, working hours were restricted to five-six hours in a challenging terrain.
“We had to cope with the weather and also fresh slides. To keep the machines working, we deployed a team from the mechanical workshop that we have in Gangtok. They were stationed along this stretch with spare parts so that the heavy machines could be repaired on the spot,” said Kumar.
The BRO personnel had to keep a constant eye on the hills as loose boulders could slip down any time, crushing the workers below.
“We had watchers on both sides and they used to blow whistles if any boulder was about to slip down,” said BRO junior engineer Ravindar Kumar.
The BRO personnel, already deployed along the JN Marg for road widening, were among the first to come to rescue after the tremor. Landslide had hit a local taxi near Kyongnosla, killing two people on the spot on the evening of September 18.
“We called the local people for help and managed to reach the damaged vehicle. There were two people dead inside. We recovered five injured persons and took them to the nearby army hospital for treatment. We cleared the landslide the next day,” said junior engineer V. John Wilson.
There was light movement of army and civilian vehicles along JN Marg today. Most of the civilians were from the sparse settlements in the border area and were on their way to Gangtok to replenish stocks.
“We have communicated to the civil administration that the JN Marg is open for traffic. The decision to allow tourists to ply on this route lies with the government,” said the officer in charge of the 422 road maintenance platoon.
Villages along this route, especially Kyongnosla (at 10,400 ft) and Chhangu Lake (at 12,400ft and 34km from Gangtok) which depend on tourism for livelihood, were prompt to demand that tourists be allowed on JN Marg.
“Our earnings have been hit so far because of the road blockades.. Tourists are our major source of livelihood. We want them back,” said Phurba Tshering Sherpa, a resident of Kyongnosla.
There are around 18 shops at Kyongnosla, where tourists take a break on their way to Nathu-la. Six of the shops, which sell snacks and souvenirs, have suffered extensive damage. Four have been washed away.
“We appeal to the tourists to visit Sikkim. The road to Chhangu Lake and Nathu-la is open and even if they are stranded while returning, we are ready to take care of them as we had done in past,” said Phurba Tshering .
Liku Doma, whose shop has been damaged, said if the tourists don’t come, “we will all suffer”.
Eight kilometres above Kyongnosla, the 49 shops below Chhangu Lake sport a deserted look. Only two shops are open. The lake is a popular tourist destination with 250-300 taxis making it here daily during the peak seasons.
Around 20 vehicles full of tourists come here even during the off-season.
April-May is the first peak season followed by October to early November.
“All the shops are closed here as no tourists have come. Most of our people have gone to Gangtok today to buy essential commodities now that the road is open. Tourists should be allowed to come here as the livelihood of some 200 families depends on them. They eat and shop. The local people also earn money by offering yak rides to tourists around the lake. We have around 50 yaks,” said K. Sherpa, who lives in one of the villages near the lake.
There was no damage in the Chhangu villages.
“If no tourists come this October, we will have to wait till next April,” said K. Sherpa
Government spokesperson K.S .Topgay said the decision on allowing tourists up to Nathu-la would be taken tomorrow.
Footage leads to arms - 24 9mm pistols, AK series on list
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| IGP DT Lepcha (second from left) shows off the seized arms and gold at Kalchini police station on Friday. Picture by Anirban Choudhury |
The presence of so much arms and explosives in a speeding vehicle on NH31C and in Kalchini — a small Jalpaiguri town 170km from Siliguri — has prompted the police to seek help from its counterparts in Assam, suspected to be one of the hideouts of the gang.
Six persons, including a resident of Bihar, have been arrested. Seven others have fled. The gang is believed to be behind the robbery of the jewellery shop in Siliguri on September 19. Six assailants had come on a bike around 8.30pm on that day, gunned down one of the security guards and decamped with gold and cash in the shop.
A police source said the CCTV footage from the shop had helped the force identify one of the robbers. “We came to know that Amirul Islam alias Jallad, a resident of Jaigaon near the Bhutan border and a history-sheeter, was involved in the crime,” a police officer said.
Under instructions from the inspector-general of police of north Bengal, D.T. Lepcha, the force chalked out a strategy to track down Jallad. Basudeb Sarkar, the officer in charge of Bhaktinagar police station, kept tabs on Jallad.
Yesterday, the police came to know about Jallad’s presence in Kalchini and his plan to sneak into Assam. Sarkar, accompanied by a force from Jaigaon, arrested him last night.
During interrogation, Jallad spilled the beans on the vehicle that would carry him and his companions to Assam, 65km away. Accordingly, the Mahindra Scorpio (WB74S5170) was intercepted on NH31C — the link to Assam — at Kalchini. Four persons were arrested.
On the basis of information provided by them, police launched extensive raids and seized arms and ammunition from the house of an LIC agent in Hamiltongonj, a kilometre from here. He has been arrested.
At the Kalchini police station, the IGP said: “This is the first time that such a large number of firearms have been recovered in a single operation, along with ammunition, gold and cash. The gang was involved in robberies across the region, including Siliguri, Mathabhanga and Pundibari in Cooch Behar district and Falakata in Jalpaiguri.
“On the list of seized arms are twenty-four 9mm pistols, two Ak-47 rifles, two carbines, 13 gelatin sticks, detonators, gun powder, 270 rounds of live cartridges, 24 empty magazines, Rs 3.50 lakh in cash and 744gm of gold worth Rs 19.34 lakh,” he said.
Those arrested include Pankaj Misra alias Pandit, a resident of Munger district in Bihar and a suspected firearms dealer who had been staying in Hamiltonganj for past nine months. “On June this year, Raju Rava was arrested and a carbine and two magazines containing 16 rounds of live cartridges were recovered from him,” the IGP said. “Raju had admitted that he had purchased the arms from Pandit. Since then, we were in search of him.”
The other four has been identified as Prakash Sarkar, the LIC agent from Hamiltonganj, Makshedul from Cooch Behar, Raj Kumar Paswan of Jaigaon and Amit Oraon of Satali Tea Estate.
The IGP said the possession of sophisticated arms by what apparently seemed to be a bunch of robbers was being probed.
“It is a major haul of so many sophisticated arms. We need to find out if this gang has any links with militant outfit in other states. We appreciate the work our officers and our personnel have done to round them up,” Lepcha said.
Safe message for visitors
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| Lava, a popular tourist destination in the Darjeeling hills |
According to the operators, roads leading to different destinations across the hills, except North Sikkim, are open and visitors can travel in the region during Puja without any problems.
Representatives of the Eastern Himalaya Travel and Tour Operators’ Association (EHTTOA), who held a seminar on Tuesday to mark World Tourism Day, said helpdesks would be set up in six places from October 1 to 8 to guide tourists who would visit the region during Durga Puja.
The counters that would be set up in New Jalpaiguri railway station, Bagdogra airport and Tenzing Norgay Central Bus Terminus, among other places, will be manned by tour operators and hotelliers.
“North Bengal development minister Gautam Deb has insisted that our members should be posted at the helpdesks to extend co-operation to tourists reaching any of the entry points during Puja holidays,” Raj Basu, an adviser to the EHTTOA, said.
According to Basu, the industry has suffered an annual loss of 65 per cent in the past three-four years because of the political disturbance in the hills.
“Things were favourable this season, which would commence from this weekend, and the season was historical considering the rate of inquiries and the bookings. Things, however, were affected to some extent because of the recent earthquake but we want to pass (on) a clear message to the visitors that the situation is perfectly normal here and there is nothing to worry,” he said.
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| The Darjeeling Mall |
“Any person can call up (9434891056) and ask for an auto-rickshaw that would be available round the clock,” Samrat Sanyal, the EHTTOA president, said.
He added that the service has started with a few auto-rickshaws that are being parked along Hill Cart Road.
But later more vehicles would be introduced depending on the demand, he said.
Praise for army, cry for NH55 handover
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| The Darjeeling district magistrate’s car plies on the newly built bridge on Lebong Cart Road on Friday. Picture by Suman Tamang |
The 113 engineering regiment had started constructing the bridge yesterday morning and by this afternoon district magistrate Saumitra Mohan was able to drive his car across it along with Brigader Ravi Raut, the commanding officer.
The public works department had said earlier that it would take around two to three months to permanently restore Lebong Cart Road that was damaged in a landslide on Monday. Till the PWD completes its job, the bridge will connect Darjeeling to Singamari, Tukvar, Singla, Lebong and Jorethang in Sikkim.
The swiftness with which the army completed the job prompted even the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha to demand that NH55 should be handed over to the BRO just like NH31A, which connects Siliguri with Gangtok.
NH55 links Darjeeling to Siliguri.
The BRO looks after the Siliguri-Gangtok stretch and despite numerous landslides along the route, the army always managed to clear debris in a short span of time, the Morcha said.
Trilok Dewan, the Morcha’s MLA from Darjeeling, said: “NH55 is in a mess and it is clear that the National Highways Authority is finding it difficult to maintain the road which is very important for Darjeeling. This road must be handed over to the BRO which is much more efficient.”
National Highway 55 or Hill Cart Road has been closed for most of the time since June 2010 and with a fresh landslide on Thursday near Tindharia, after which a stretch of the road caved in, there is little chance of the road opening this year.
“Alternative routes like Pankhabari, Rohini, Mungpoo or Mirik had not been constructed to handle heavy vehicles and since the national highway is closed, these roads are in a terrible condition because heavy vehicles are forced to ply on these routes,” said Dewan.
The Morcha leader added that he had raised the issue of handing over NH55 to the BRO with Bengal governor M.K. Narayanan during his recent visit to the hill town.
“I have requested him to look into the matter,” said Dewan, who is also a member of the board of administrators of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council.
He added that DGHC had also sent a Rs 194 crore proposal to the state to construct an alternative highway to NH55 through Bungkulung in Mirik.
“I had also suggested that the construction and repair of the alternative road should be taken up by the BRO. I hope Darjeeling MP Jaswant Singh takes up the matter with the appropriate authorities in Delhi,” said Dewan.
The MLA said he would ask the NH-IX division to attend the DGHC board meeting on October 15.
“We want to know in detail about the state of the highway and how long it would take to restore the patch if they start work immediately,” said Dewan.
A Paradise Dammed
Sai Manish, Tehelka.com: The 6.8 magnitude quake that shook Sikkim was termed a natural disaster. The devastation caused, however, was just as man-made. Sai Manish reports from Ground Zero
THE SMELL of rotting human flesh that mingles with the noxious diesel fumes of army bulldozers signals the end of the road here. In north Sikkim’s Toong, men of the General Reserve Engineers Force (GREF) are at their wits’ end in the persistent drizzle; their bulldozers and drillers, after days of pounding on 20-tonne boulders, manage to conjure just enough hydraulic power to keep the work going. A road once existed below the rocks that have now tumbled like freshly baked biscuits from the impact of the 6.8 magnitude shallow earthquake that struck Sikkim on 18 September. Its epicentre just a few miles from where the men are trying to force an opening.
Beyond the mist-covered mountains further north of Chungthang, Lachen and Lachung, an occasional army chopper appears on the horizon and flies over the rescue workers as a stark reminder of the gargantuan task that lies ahead in finding that elusive patch of tar below the debris for another 40 km. What is ironical here is that the very mountain whose debris the GREF is clearing has a tunnel running right through it — one of the many ‘hollow mountains’ all along the right bank of the roaring sediment-laden Teesta river. The 14.6 km-long tunnel constructed by Teesta Urja Pvt Ltd — a consortium of four private contractors — is meant to divert the waters of the river through the mountain to be dropped on turbines that generate electricity.
“Teesta Urja has messed up big time,” says a GREF officer overseeing the clearing work at Toong, “but at least they are letting us use their machines to do the job. It’s going to take another month to clear it all up till Chungthang and Lachen.” Teesta Urja too is flying select reporters to its tunnels to show that nothing has happened to its investments and staff. Any possible impact of the tunnelling, blasting and reservoirs in inducing seismicity had been dismissed by Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Kumar Chamling on 26 September as a “rumour”.
Just a day before Chamling made the statement, people in the region were wondering why their CM preferred to receive P Chidambaram and Rahul Gandhi in Gangtok for the first few days after the quake rather than move out of the state capital to take stock of the situation.
Despite the denials, retractions and dismissals, it is not hard to see the influence of human activity in greatly exacerbating the impact of one of the worst natural disasters to hit Sikkim in decades. All along the landslide-dotted road from the district headquarters in Mangan to Toong, the heavily tunnelled mountains on the right bank of the Teesta show signs of utter devastation — bald patches of exposed rock, collapsed slopes and felled trees. Teesta Urja is undertaking a 1,200 MW project as a part of Teesta Stage 3, the single largest power generation scheme in the six-stage cascade plan to harness the hydro power potential of the swift-flowing river. Environmentalists believe that these run-ofthe- river schemes that divert rivers through mountain tunnels in Sikkim’s young Himalayas are damaging the fragile geology in an area that is classified as Seismic Zone-IV.
Environmentalists fear that once the river starts flowing through these tunnels, there will be extensive damage. The state government does not seem to have learnt from a similar project completed in 2008 by the National Hydel Power Corporation (NHPC). Although public hearings were held before the project was undertaken, they were a mere formality as they were held in Gangtok, with not many local people in attendance. Even though they were briefed, they realised the impact of their reduced water levels, cracked buildings and occasional landslides only after the project was commissioned.
On the way down from Toong, NHPC’s 510 MW Teesta Stage 5 project bears testimony to the wrath of the quake. Debris from landslides, including logs of wood and silt, has accumulated at the dam at Dikchu, posing a serious threat to its stability and also raising questions about the hazards of damming a fast-flowing river that erodes its banks.
Sikkim is just 112 km in length. With 30 dams proposed, the Teesta river will be dammed every 3.7 km
Like the Teesta Urja project, this too was cleared without establishing the carrying capacity of the river. This, despite an expert committee of the Ministry of Environment and Forests in 1999 clearly stating that no new projects should be cleared until it is proven that the Teesta can support the mushrooming of mega and medium dams across its entire course. Now, the Teesta has the largest number of dams in a single state. Sikkim is just 112 km from north to south, and with close to 30 dams proposed, there would be a dam every 3.7 km on this magnificent untamed river and its pristine crystal clear tributaries.
If nature has borne the brunt of the earthquake in the sparsely habited areas of north Sikkim, in the more densely populated areas in east Sikkim it is the people living close to the dams who are the worst hit. Shanta Bai lives on the banks of the river with a clear view of the Teesta Stage 6 being built by Lanco Infratech owned by Congress MP Lagdapati Rajagopal. “First my house cracked because of their blasting and I did not get a single rupee from them. Every now and then we used to feel tremors. I went and lodged a complaint with the police but they took no action. Now my entire house is damaged in the quake and still nobody from either the company or from the government has come to assess the damage,” says Shanta Bai.
Almost every hour, groups of 5-6 migrant workers arrive at Toong, where the army would put them on a truck and reach them to the nearby camp at Naga village. Despite demographic concerns over the influx of migrants, the locals have left no stone unturned to provide a comforting shoulder to thousands of workers from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal, who came down from the heights barefoot to escape the after-effects of the quake. In Mangan, locals have set up a kitchen to feed every single man who comes walking down from the power project sites in north Sikkim.
This is in sharp contrast to the attitude of the workers’ own employers and contractors of Teesta Urja who have not even bothered to keep a staff list to check whether all workers have made it to the lower reaches from dam sites in Chungthang and Lachen.
Chamling has been CM since 1994. He faces no opposition in the state. All 32 MLAs belong to the ruling SDF
Sandeep is one of the workers who was working at the Teesta Urja project in Chungthang when the quake struck. “We went out and saw huge rocks had fallen down on the dam and on many of the houses near the dam site. The army was airlifting only injured people so I had to walk. Now I just want to go home to Siliguri. I swear I will never come back,” he says. Another worker from Lachen, who trekked all day to reach Mangan, recounts, “There were six others who left before us. We did not see them on the way and they are not here also. Around 15 bodies were cremated at the dam site itself.”
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| Rangit |
AMONG THE dead at the dam site in Chungthang was the AGM of Amalgamated Trans Power India Ltd (ATPIL), 63-year-old DD Gupta (employee code 110741) and five employees of Navyuga Engineering Company. At Adit 5 near Saffu, apart from a junior electrician and other workers, a B Tech graduate from Andhra Pradesh’s Chittoor district, Mohan Reddy (employee code 110716), was killed by the landslides caused by the earthquake.
This opacity from the private contractors in admitting damage to human life has been compounded by the laxity of the state government. Chamling, who has been the CM since 1994, faces virtually no opposition in the state Assembly — all 32 MLAs belong to the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF). The Opposition Congress has termed Chamling’s hands-off approach and partisan attitude in the face of disaster as shocking. Even former CM Nar Bahadur Bhandari and the president of the Sikkim Congress RM Lepcha, have lashed out at Chamling for destroying the fragile ecology of the state and the lives of people dependent on the Teesta.
Bhandari, who has also levelled charges of massive corruption against Chamling in the past, said during a visit to Gangtok from Delhi, where he was hospitalised, “We will submit a memorandum to the prime minister to immediately stall all hydel power projects in Sikkim. There is no doubt that the earthquake has been aided by the massive hydro projects across the state.”
Chamling has been projecting Sikkim as the next big investment destination and his approach throughout this disaster has been to keep that image intact, irrespective of the cost to human life and property.
When TEHELKA visited the village of Lingza in the Dzongu Reserve, SDF cadre were tutoring people not to speak out against the dam projects and even objected when TEHELKA tried to talk to the indigenous Lepchas on their sustained opposition to massive dams in the vicinity of their sacred lands. The Dzongu Reserve is an area that has been marked exclusively for the indigenous Lepchas, who have been inhabiting its pristine environs for centuries now. In the picturesque Lingza village, Lepchas survive without depending on the comforts of the outside world. Green paddy fields at the village entrance surrounded by hills of cardamom plantations, ginger fields and milch cows tied in heir barns: that is a typical Lepcha village in a land they consider sacred.
Tengdup Lepcha, 70, whose grandson Lengdup is now taking care of his paddy fields and cardamom trees, says he has never seen anything on the scale of the present earthquake that has flattened complete villages in Upper Dzongu just an hour’s walk from Lingza. Here the dominance of the Chamling-appointed panchayat is complete. All the relief that has reached this place is distributed through the panchayat with SDF cadre and members of power developers promoted self-help groups in attendance throughout.
Says Dawa Lepcha, who has been heading the anti-Teesta dam stir since 2007, “The power structures in Sikkim are meant to subdue people’s voices. The big politiSays Dawa Lepcha, who has been heading the anti-Teesta dam stir since 2007, “The power structures in Sikkim are meant to subdue people’s voices. The big politicians act through panchayats, who in turn clearly warn people that they would not receive benefits from the government if they oppose Chamling’s policies.”
IN THE capital Gangtok, there is a unique problem. Grizzly bears have been appearing on the streets of Gangtok and in nearby places like Burtuk and Chanmari in the past three years. Many locals blame the power developers and their indiscriminate blasting and drilling in the forests. “The channelling of water through tunnels has also drastically reduced the inflow in rivers and has led to mass disappearance of fish on which these bears feed,” says Tashi Thompa, a wildlife filmmaker based in Gangtok. “Nature is telling us something and we need to listen or the entire state risks major hazards,” he says.
Documents available with TEHELKA show that Chamling went on a contractawarding spree between December 2005 and March 2006, inking 12 MoUs. On 1 March 2006, he cleared five projects worth over Rs 4,500 crore envisaging power generation along the Teesta to the tune of almost 1,800 MW. Till date, Chamling has sanctioned power projects that would produce an astounding 5,352.7 MW even though Sikkim’s own requirement is just 80 MW. The 30 new projects, including the 24 active projects of private players cleared by Chamling, are worth Rs 17,100 crore — a huge investment in hydro power for a small state like Sikkim. None of the power projects given to private players have been done through the process of bidding.
‘Nature is telling us something and we need to listen or we risk hazards,’ says filmmaker Tashi
When a group of people protested against his policies, they were put behind bars for a month on charges of damaging the property of private power companies. Documents with TEHELKA show that the Sikkim government might end up undercutting its stated objective of generating additional revenue because of some baffling clauses in the MoU the government has entered into with corporates. By keeping the option of buying 26 percent equity in the projects open in the MoUs, the government would have to take a loan at an interest rate of 15 percent to fulfill its equity commitment. This was also stated in a white paper on the modalities of the power project taken out by a private consultant in 2007 in which it was inferred that even if private companies give the government a return of 25 percent and a royalty of 12 percent for the first 15 years, the Sikkim government would only stand to lose revenues from such a move.
Moreover, as a minority stakeholder, the Sikkim government would also have to share liabilities and have little room to assert its view before majority private stakeholders.
So in essence, Sikkim is not only giving away land in reserved and ecologically sensitive areas to developers with concessions but also insuring them against any misadventure in the quest for unbridled profits for the first 35 years (The project reverts to the state government after that).
Speaking to TEHELKA, Power Minister Sonam Gyatso Lepcha says, “We need revenue to be less dependent on the Centre. In Sikkim there is no other option except hydro power for increasing revenues.”
The Congress has also accused Chamling of striking dubious deals on the pretext of developing these power projects. He is accused of openly facilitating private sector power players’ entry into Sikkim’s hydro power sector — a case in point being his decision to secure a Rs 50 crore loan with Sikkim government as guarantor for a project to be developed by a Delhi-based power company ATPIL, owned by one PK Das. However, the Sikkim Cabinet scrapped the project and the government was forced to repay the amount with interest.
The lack of strong political opposition meant that nobody questioned the government over the pilferage of public funds for private gain without any tangible benefits to the people. And when Sikkim’s civil society started growing disenchanted with his policies, Chamling did the unthinkable — he introduced what came to be known as the ‘Black Bill’. The Sikkim Prevention and Control of Disturbance of Public Order Bill, 2011, sought to ban hunger strikes, processions, squatting, sloganeering and waving of black flags in public! Open ridicule from the public forced the subsequent withdrawal of this Bill.
On a single day, the CM cleared five mega projects worth over Rs 4,500 crore, totalling about 1,800 MW
THE MINDSET of authoritarianism under Chamling has also transformed into a culture of absolute corruption, with government officials trying to siphon off funds that were supposed to be given to quake victims. People of the Limbu tribe, whose houses suffered ‘major’ damage, were entitled to a compensation of Rs 30,000. However, many like Sukangma got just half that amount despite the quake having made her house unlivable due to broken walls and cracked roof. Others like Gore Singh, who suffered minor damages to his house, waited all day at the BDO office only to be turned away with promises of being given the cash “very soon”.
This scale of corruption in every aspect of life in Sikkim — be it in times of prosperity or in times of a tragedy like the earthquake is evident everywhere. The bane of Sikkim is the government’s stifling hold over its own people through money, power and the culture of fear. “The land has enough for everybody. The hydel projects are not development. They are the rape of Sikkim,” says a young Revenue Inspector on condition of anonymity.
The earthquake has reminded the people of the consequences of disturbing the fine balance between man and nature in a blessed territory where survival is not difficult but death is. And when death comes falling from the trembling mountains above, it might well be time to realise that all is not well in a state whose people fear nature more than they would fear a man with an AK-47.
‘Devastation happened only in areas close to dam projects’Dawa Lepcha, a 38-year-old anti-dam activist, points out that the secrecy surrounding government decisions leads to anti-people policies
Excerpts From The Interview:When did you start your protests?
We came to know about these projects around 2003- 04. We have been running this campaign since. We have approached the government, submitting memorandum, press releases. But to no avail.
Post-quake, do you think things will change?
It will be easier to convince people that there is something behind our protest. People are discussing it.
A number of projects were sanctioned in quick time. Was there no opposition?
It was all being done secretly. They came up with the list only when we asked for it. By then, they had already signed MOUs for 19 or 20 projects out of 30.
What impact did you fear?
There would be demographic changes, social and cultural issues. Also, if a project lies within 10 km of a national park, the law says you need permission. They haven’t even applied for it. The seismic issue was never considered very seriously — environment impact assessments just make a mention of it. Of course, we can’t say the earthquake was caused by these projects, but they have definitely worsened the situation. Dynamite has been used carelessly for years. It’s common sense: devastation has happened only in construction areas.
Do you oppose all projects?
When we realised there are many more projects coming up, we tried to widen the protest. Most project-affected people were very concerned, but unfortunately the government has a tight control here.
It is said almost 80 percent of the people work for the government. Does it make entry of private companies easy?
On the finance side, in all the Independent Project Co-operatives, the government has 25 percent equity. If the State is a minority stakeholder, how will it have a say?
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