छैटौं अनुसूची- खारेज भयो-गोजमुमो
भएको छैन-गोरामुमो
भएको छैन-गोरामुमो
मनोज बोगटी, कालिमन्युज, कालेबुङ,7 अप्रेल। गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले खारेज भयो भनेर खुशी मनाइसकेको छैटौं अनुसूचीको मुद्दा फेरि बल्झिएको छ। जातजातमा गोर्खाहरूलाई विभाजन गर्ने मुद्दा अनि जनताको विरोधमा रहेको भन्दै गोरामुमोकै खॉंटी नेता विमल गुरूङले सुवास घिसिङलाई विद्रोह गर्दै गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा खोलेका थिए। मोर्चाको उद्देश्य थियो जनविरोधी छैटौं अनुसूचीको माग गर्दै सधैँको निम्ति गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दा हराउन चहाने सुवास घिसिङ अनि तिनको दललाई धरायसी बनाउनु। यसको निम्ति विमल गुरूङले गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दालाई नै अस्त्रकोरूपमा प्रयोग गरेका थिए।
विमल गुरूङले सुवास घिसिङलाई अन्तमा पहाड़बाट खेदाएर नै छाड़े। गोरामुमोका नेताहरूलाई निर्वासित गरिने काम पनि भयो। त्यसपछि मोर्चालाई गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन गर्न मार्ग प्रशस्त भयो। अहिले मोर्चाले सोझै गोर्खाल्याण्ड हुन नसक्ने कुरालाई स्वीकार गरिसकेको छ। गोरामुमोले पनि यही कुरा गरेको थियो। भनेको थियो,केन्द्रमा छुट्टैराज्यको निम्ति परिस्थिति छैन। यसकारण छैटौं अनुसूचीको बाटो भएर गोर्खाल्याण्ड पुग्न पर्छ।
संसदमा पेश भइसकेको अनि मेमोरेण्डम अफ सेटलमेन्टमा त्रिपक्षीय हस्ताक्षर पनि भइसकेको छैटौं अनुसूचीको बील पारित हुन सकेन। गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन मोर्चाले चर्कायो र वार्ताको क्रममा मोर्चाले अनुभव गर्यो कि छुट्टै राज्य एकैपल्टमा ल्याउने महामुर्ख र धुर्त हो। यसकारण केन्द्रले दिएको अन्तरिम व्यवस्थाको प्रस्तावलाई नकार्दै मोर्चाले आफ्नै प्रस्ताव बनायो अन्तरिमको निम्ति। मोर्चाले अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणको कुरा गरेदेखि नै पहाड़को राजनीतिमा नयॉं मोड़ पनि आयो।
अहिले विधानसभा चुनाउको ठीक अवसर पारेर मोर्चाले पहाड़बाट खेदाएका गोरामुमो नेताहरू पहाड़ चढेका छन् भने उनीहरू पहाड़ आएर पनि छैटौं अनुसूचीकै वकालत गरिरहेका छन्। यता मोर्चाले भनिरहेको छ, छैटौं अनुसूची खारेज भइसक्यो। उता गोरामुमोले भन्दैछ, छैटौं अनुसूची खारेज भएको भए हामी किन कुरा उठाउँथ्यौं। गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति भइरहेको वार्तामा अन्तरिम प्राधिकरणको कुरालाई अघि बढ़ाउने मोर्चाको स्टडी फोरमका सदस्य एल.बी.परियारले आज पनि भने, चौथो वा पॉंचौं वार्तामा हुनुपर्छ, केन्द्रिय गृहसचिव जी.के पिल्लईले छैटौं अनुसूची खारेज भइसकेको घोषणा गरिसकेका छन्। गृहसचिवले मिटिङको प्रोसेडिङमा लेखिसकेको कुरा गलत हुन्छ जस्तो लाग्दैन।
यता कालेबुङ महकुमा सचिव शुभ प्रधानले भने, 6 वर्षमा हुन नसकेको छैटौं अनुसूची 3 महिनामा हुन्छ भन्नु दैविक चमत्कारको कुरा हो। यता हिजो मात्र कालेबुङ घर आइपुगेका गोरामुमो कालेबुङ शाखाको उपाध्यक्ष मौरिस् कालिकोटेले भने, यो मुद्दा खारेज भएको भए गोरामुमोले किन यसको कुरा गर्थ्यो? गोरामुमो मुर्ख होइन। खासमा कुनै पनि मेमोरेण्डम अफ सेटलमेन्ट खारेज हुँदैन। ढिलो छिटो यो विधेयक पारित हुने नै छ।
अब जनताले कसको कुरा सुन्ने र कसको नसुन्ने? परिस्थिति जटिल बनेको छ। मौरिस कालिकोटेले गोरामुमो गोर्खाल्याण्डको विरोधमा नरहेको तर वर्तमान परिस्थितिमा छुट्टै राज्य गठन सम्भव नरहेको अनि देशको सबै भन्दा बलियो अटोनोमि नै छैटौं अनुसूची रहेको जनाए। तिनले मोर्चाले भन्दै गरेको प्राधिकरण संवैधानिक नरहेको अनि छैटौं अनुसूची वैधानिक रहेको बताए।
Jaswant’s ‘mature BJP’ tag to seal cracks- MP okays support to alliance
TT, Siliguri, April 7: The Lepchas, who number around 1 lakh in the Darjeeling district, today announced the boycott of the coming Assembly polls to protest the alleged negligence of the government towards the community.
Jaswant’s ‘mature BJP’ tag to seal cracks- MP okays support to alliance
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| Jaswant Singh in Darjeeling on Thursday. Picture by Suman Tamang |
Vivek Chhetri, TT, Darjeeling, April 7: Jaswant Singh today attempted to paper over the cracks that had appeared between the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha and the BJP by saying that he understood the political compulsions of the hill party in extending support to the Congress-Trinamul alliance.
The Morcha has supported the BJP only at Madarihat in the Dooars but has extended support to the Trinamul-Congress alliance in the rest of the seats except for two. In Kalchini, the Morcha is backing Independent candidate Wilson Champromari while in Nagrakata, it is backing the Progressive People’s Party.
Addressing the media here today, the Darjeeling BJP MP said: “This is their decision and the logic lies in the present political situation in Bengal. The BJP is a mature party and understands the political necessities in Bengal where it does not have much presence.”
The support from the Morcha could be decisive in at least seven seats in the Dooars and the Terai, which includes Siliguri, Phansidewa, Matigara-Naxalbari and Dabgram-Fulbari constituencies.
Underlining that the party was charting its own course, Morcha chief Bimal Gurung told a public meeting at Kumani on February 27 that Singh was free to choose whether he wanted to carry on representing Darjeeling in Parliament.
Even though Gurung had later clarified that there was no hard feelings towards Singh, the Darjeeling MP’s statement today made it evident that he did not want any rift between the Morcha and the BJP.
Gurung while announcing the party’s support to the Congress-Trinamul alliance had said: “The Left Front has been unjust to the hills and our unconditional support to the alliance is with the sole purpose of defeating the Left Front.”
Observers, however, believe that the Morcha realises that if the alliance comes to power, it could start a new chapter (on Gorkhaland) on a positive note. Singh, too, understands the importance of the Morcha trying to be in in the good books of the alliance as he was confident of a new party coming to power in Bengal. “Even a senior leader like Pranab Mukherjee has said that an answer must be sought by the resumption of the tripartite talks. That is the only way to find a solution,” said Singh.
In fact, Singh admitted that he was aware that the BJP’s state committee was against the demand of Gorkhaland but stood firmly by the Morcha. “I am aware of the viewpoint of the state BJP which really is based on the feeling that Gorkhaland will divide Bengal. I am of the opinion that this (demand) is not about the division of the state but about the unity of the country. It is for national unity that we should do it (create Gorkhaland) and not limit it to a state or a state’s territory,” said Singh.
The BJP leader thanked Sikkim chief minister Pawan Chamling for passing a resolution in favour of Gorkhaland in the Assembly. “I welcome the development. Sikkim is an adjoining state and to resolve (pass a resolution) in the Assembly without a dissent voice is an encouraging development,” said Singh, who appealed to all the pro-Gorkhaland voices to support “whoever comes out as the choice of the people in the elections”.
Singh, who will be leaving Darjeeling on Sunday, however, shot down the GNLF poll plank by dismissing the Sixth Schedule bill as almost non-existent.
“There is no legitimacy left of the bill as it was referred to the standing committee on home affairs which reflected its points on the subject. Then Parliament was also adjourned and later a new Parliament was elected (in 2009),” said Singh. He was referring to the amendment to the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, a bill which was placed in the Lok Sabha in 2007. It was put on the backburner when the standing committee said the bill should be approached with caution, considering the ground realities in the region.
The GNLF has been harping about the Sixth Schedule status and has made it a major plank for the Assembly elections. Subash Ghisingh’s party maintains that an agreement between the Centre, state and the GNLF inked in 2005 must be honoured and an amended bill, by which the Darjeeling hills would be covered by the Sixth Schedule, passed in Parliament.
Singh was also hopeful that the Left would be defeated in the Assembly elections. “The state is poised for a change and there is no doubt that it is good for a state as the same party has been ruling for the past three decades,” said Singh.
‘Deprived’ Lepchas to boycott polls
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| Leaders of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association at the meeting in Siliguri on Thursday. Picture by Kundan Yolmo |
The boycott was announced at a rally organised by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association at Siliguri Bagha Jatin Park.
“About 1 lakh Lepchas are living in Darjeeling, Kurseong, Kalimpong and Siliguri. We are the native people of the region. But even 64 years after the Independence, we have been deprived of basic facilities,” L.T. Lepcha, the president of the association, told journalists after the meeting.
“The community has more than 45,000 voters. Today, we appealed to them not to take part in the coming Assembly polls,” he said.
The rally was attended by thousands of people who had come from different parts of the Darjeeling district.
According to L.T. Lepcha, there are more than 100 villages in the hills, where development has hardly reached.
“Lack of proper roads, education and health facilities are some of the major areas of concern. Even after repeated requests, the government has not done anything for the region,” he said.
Asked if the community was boycotting the polls because of loss of faith in democracy, Lepcha said: “We are the indigenous residents of the region. But when you are ignored by the government, some steps should be taken to raise the voice.”
Other leaders of the community also rued that the government had not met the aspirations of the Lepchas.
“We have never demanded a separate state and don’t want to be separated from West Bengal. We have asked the government to recognise our language (Lepcha) and introduce it at the primary school level. We had participated in the elections held earlier and frequently raised our demands. But all they were ignored. Considering all these facts, we decided to boycott the polls,” said N.T. Lepcha, the joint secretary of the association.
Article by the Hillman the analyst
Apropos The Statesman “Pillai sends letter to Pawan” 2 April 2011
Apropos The Statesman “Pillai sends letter to Pawan” 2 April 2011 concerning the reasons for the Resolution passed by the Sikkim Assembly in support of the demand for Gorkhaland during electioning in West Bengal, contains a twist perceivable and privy only to, not to the masses demanding Gorkhaland but to those who are familiar with the content of the Fifth Schedule in application to Darjeeling District. The probability of the concern expressed by the Union Home Secretary Mr. G.K.Pillai pertains specifically to the use of the word Gorkhaland, maybe only an expression of a name, but unwittingly indicating the non descript in application in defining the demand for a State. That a statehood for the Darjeeling “hill people” is a certainty without any doubt under provision of the Fifth Schedule in which the District falls in the Constitution of India. It was the invocation of the Fifth Schedule applied to the specified areas in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, which constitutionally guaranteed these Scheduled Areas in becoming states in 2000. Had Darjeeling District applied the same Fifth Schedule provision at the time, then only, a state would have been availed. Regrettingly, at the time the Darjeeling “hill people” as usual were in a state of deep slumber under the DGHC disconnect and somewhere along the Sixth Schedule being hatched in a benign form. Even at the present stage it is realised very few minds, under the spell of Gorkhaland, are aware of the legality of the Darjeeling “hill people” to demand a state constitutionally.
It is this factor which is being projected by the Resolution passed by the Sikkim Legislative Assembly voicing the concern of the Sikkimese, realising the implications of a large part of Darjeeling District constitutionally still forms a part of the State if it so desires to implement. However that not being the case the Sikkim Assembly are allowing permission for the Darjeeling people to finally join the mainstream into the Union of India as a state in time, and before that time, for the interim period as a Union Territory. A perception exists that immediately creating Union Territory requires a gamut of basic infrastructures for administration and this maybe placed accordingly termed as Darjeeling Regional Authority (DRA) seen as synonymy with the statutory Tribes Advisory Council (TAC) provided in the Fifth Schedule. The TAC is a body composing of maximum 20 members (15 elected & 5 nominated presumably by the Governor). As the body composes of elected members as per law, that ascertains the legislative powers will be incorporated in totality except items which maybe under the State/Centre combined till proper provisions are implemented for the future.
The Sikkim Govt. may have miscued, without any perceivable mal-intent, by having framed the word Gorkhaland without the legality of law and therefore the call for an explanation in this regard, and which on the part of the Centre was proper and legal.
“Tripartite talks in offing after the polls”
Hillman the analyst
The Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee reassuring the electorates in Siliguri in the coming Assembly polls that the interim administrative setup is in line for more autonomy than the DGHC, is a positive indication that either Darjeeling Regional Authority (DRA) interim to Union Territory is on the cards after the elections. If the DRA is mandated to consist of not more than 20 members (15 elected & 5 nominated) then it is to be regarded the application of the Fifth Schedule is being considered and therefore the legality of the Constitution is being enforced. The body may function temporarily under the administrative control of the Governor and the State alike till such time leading to becoming a Union Territory in time.
There is however all the possibility that on the earliest obtainment of Scheduled Area provision is instructed by the President, when many more of the hill communities are reinstated as Scheduled Tribes (Census 1931 again) the next step after the interim setup would be becoming a State. Once again it maybe mentioned for recollection that the many hill tribes mentioned in 1931 Census happened to be delisted in 1941 Census. The loss is being reestablished by the Sikkim Burman Roy Commission (CRESP) 2008 which has already recommended 7 hill communities from Sikkim for relisting as Scheduled Tribes. It is matter of time only when the same communities are relisted in West Bengal and therefore making the statehood demand issue for the Darjeeling “hill people” gain firm ground.
There is however a hidden agenda in the Union Finance Minister’s utterance assuring “autonomy” in regard to the perceived new administrative setup. On sight his reference to Darjeeling Hills carries a different connotation constitutionally, whereas the legality applies to the entire Darjeeling District. So if at all whatever the future dispensation is considered for Darjeeling District constitutionally, it is to be remembered and noted that the application requires to cover the whole District and not only the DGHC area, but inclusive of Siliguri subdivision, as far as the territory of the new body is to be conceptualized. If this frame is not provided then the picture within would be in contravention of the Constitution.
In a simple sentence it maybe conveyed that Darjeeling “hill people” have been administered by the State continuously for 60 years after independence and by virtue of which surely the State has reaped much benefit from this inclusion. What harm is there now if a State for Darjeeling “hill people” is composed with the ethnic majority population becoming part of the District if so directed by the Constitution of India. Is it not an affront if the desire is otherwise. The Darjeeling “hill people” lived side by side with the rest of citizens of West Bengal for past 60 years, what harm or damage can be perceived at all if the situation is reversed. After all, it is only a matter of perception everything else remains the same – unless the mindset displays shallow waters in the vastness of the Indian ethos.
"Bimal for introduction of passport, visa along Indo Nepalese border”
Sub : Apropos : The Statesman, 5 April 2011 news detailing, “Bimal for introduction of passport, visa along Indo Nepalese border”-Hillman the Analyst
This has reference to the Statesman, 5 April 2011 news detailing, “Bimal for introduction of passport, visa along Indo Nepalese border” evidently seems a issue well thought out, and not off the cuff remark. It maybe difficult to point out on what context the subject was broached but it deserves all the attention, as a matter of fact, related to the larger issue of the desired state formation for the people of Darjeeling as recommended by the CM of Sikkim, Pawan Kumar Chamling’s Resolution on Gorkhaland passed by the Sikkim Legislative Assembly. The Sikkim Assembly Resolution is specific in terms of its mention the proposed Gorkhaland is based on “genuine, legitimate legally justified” substantiating the demand as a statutory provision in the Constitution of India, which happens to be the provisions of the Fifth Schedule, in demanding a Union Territory initially as a Interim setup and a State, in a period of time by achieving the second criteria, Scheduled Area, which happens to be the specific qualification to demand a state.
On broaching the topic of introducing visa and passport formality in respect of the permit-less open border entry system for the mutual exit allowed for the citizens of Nepal and India in crossing the international borders between the two countries is an exceptionally peculiar system of practice seldom met anywhere in the world. What then is the equation governing such a system. Surely such a strange practice is beneficial substantially for some specific political aim other than factors related to transport and communication or commerce and trade. The main agenda of the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty, besides the usual courtesy of mentioning the items of mutual gain related to industrial and economic development, the main thrust is on the reciprocity basis allowed by either side in their respective countries, “privileges in the matter of residence, ownership of property, participation in trade and commerce, movement and other privileges of a similar nature”. That all activities covered under these heads are free from encumbrances of exit formality, as if the two countries behaved as one. Only the right of electoral franchise is exempt from its purview. Citizens of either country are allowed to claim all civil rights of citizens except the right to vote. The individual identities of the two countries are distinguished by the absence of this right.
The other important factor which is self satisfactory is seen as benefitting India in counter posing any right that Nepal could have imposed by way of reference to the earlier treaties (a) Treaty of Segawli 1916 between British India and Nepal as well as (b. Treaty of Titalia 1917 between British Indian and Nepal. The 1950 Treaty is an important landmark in the history of Indo-Nepal border relationship and friendship in understanding that this was the first Treaty between the two countries after India gained its new station as a republic. The consequences of which however was concluding the 1950 Treaty in starting a new relationship with Nepal post the earlier treaties guiding the British India relationship with Nepal as well as Sikkim. The very recognition of the Treaty terms and conditions is a warranted acceptance of Nepal in accepting the repeal of, “this Treaty cancels all previous Treaties, agreements, and engagements entered into on behalf of India between the British Government and the Government of Nepal”. In effect this Treaty gives due recognition of the new sovereign country of India by accepting, without mentioning so, the insignificance of the past treaties signed by British India with Nepal and Sikkim particularly in relevance to the reestablishment of once lost Sikkimese territories from Nepal back to its original state.
One may see the same spirit being present in the two new treaties signed by India, after independence with Bhutan 1949 and Sikkim 1950. It maybe pertinent to mention here that the latter remains somewhat repealed after institution of the Constitution Thirty Eighth Amendment 1975 when the territories of Sikkim under Part A was composed in Part B, Terms and conditions of association of Sikkim within the State. Following which under the First Schedule, Sikkim became the 22nd State of India under Article 371(F) of the Constitution. After which date it is believed “the sum of Rs. 3 lakhs” Sikkim received under the Indo-Sikkim Treaty terms of 1950 is seen to have been withdrawn. This semblance indicates the birth of a new democratically elected State of Sikkim and the demise of the earlier Namgyal dynastic monarchy.
It might be interesting to mention here the Resolution passed by the Sikkim Assembly in creating a separate state for the “people of Darjeeling” is an indication determining the Sikkimese right over part of the territories of Darjeeling District (the subdivisions of Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri) for which the Resolution is seen as a no objection certificate for the transfer of these territories to the people of Darjeeling.
In the same light one requires to refer now to the new 2007 Indo-Bhutan Treaty which in a way determines the same reference to the withdrawal of the Bhutanese rights to the Kalimpong subdivision of Darjeeling District (as well as the Dooars Terai – the 11 Bhutanese Dooars), seen by the omission in mention of the annual gratuity of Rs. 5 lakhs paid by India to Bhutan. That the withdrawal of the demand of the obligatory monetary payment of Rs. 5 lakhs is again like another no objection certificate for Kalimpong subdivision and the Terai Dooars in amalgamation with the rest of the three subdivisions of Darjeeling District to form a new unit, possibly the Union Territory of Darjeeling and Dooars implying the constitutional guaranteed provisions of the Fifth and Sixth Schedules for Darjeeling District and the Dooars Terai respectively.
To curtail the doses of inflow of immigrants perceptibly of the illegal kind from bordering foreign countries whether it maybe Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh or elsewhere, there is no certainty of control by simply closing the prevailing long borders with the said countries. This in primary consideration of closing the access of entry to the future administrative setup considered for Darjeeling District and the Dooars Terai outside West Bengal.
The ideal measure to effect this process is to reintroduce the 1873 Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation (Line System known as Inner Line Permit) which existed within Darjeeling District and (possibly the five Districts of North Bengal?) which seemed to have been withdrawn for whatever accountable reason and the date of which requires to be determined from the respective office concerned – the Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling. This is an important item which requires to be further discussed and possibly the permit system reinstated again, primarily to benefit the object of recording the entry as well as the migration of foreigners into Darjeeling District again. What is unperceivable is the reason for its complete withdrawal without a symbol of its existence, which could have been easily applied in the form of a relaxation, and not complete withdrawal. The latter is seen to have a debilitating effect on the issue of illegal immigrants causing a devastating demographic change marginalizing the civil and political rights of citizens of the District.
It is however known the other more restrictive entry permit applied to Darjeeling and the other Districts of North Bengal, Foreigners (Restricted Areas Order 1963) which restricted entry of foreigners to specified areas more restrictively than the Inner Line Permit in Darjeeling District as well as in Sikkim, too seemed to have been relaxed in 1990.This may have been relaxed in consideration of promoting tourism in the area which is a important economic field. However the restriction in the entry of foreign visitors seemed to have been primarily targeted to promote the industry which seems to be more than justified. Since the time period is restricted it automatically controls immigration of any form, at least by law and therefore relaxation a justified cause.
It is the matter of the Inner Line Permit which was applied to the entire North East region of India including Darjeeling District, which in the case of the latter remaining withdrawn requires immediate reinstatement to control effective immigration, endeavoring as a measure to safeguard and protect the indigenous people of the region from being politically marginalized and thereby affecting the constitutional provisions protecting the fundamental rights of national minorities.
Rather than imposing the Govt. of India to amend the Indo-Nepal 1950 Treaty in consideration of the immigration problem, frankly speaking, more disadvantageous to Nepal than India in a political perspect. The prospect of reframing the 1950 Treaty is politically damaging in many respects to a situation which may be considered disadvantageous to Indian context, and therefore unadvisable to base the solution of the immigration problem related to the Treaty would be unwise and inconvenient in respect of the Indian perspection.
More proper and convenient would be to reactivate the Inner Line Permit (ILP) regulatory system by which all genres of immigrations recorded and identified to ensure illegal entry and settlement. The Inner Line Permit system is extant in many of the North East States and immaculately observed despite which also total elimination of problem cannot be guaranteed. However it is a feasible measure which was applicable and practiced till 1980 after which a sense of ad-lib license to enter Darjeeling District and North Bengal is seen as the defaulting factor.
If at all a wider scheme of immigration control and sustainment in the entire belt is to be activated, the best solution is for the Parliament to reintroduce the two pending Bills since 2006 related to the issue of immigrant identification and overstay, which if passed as law would be the ideal and effective measure for a total control of illegal immigration, which is crucial from the point of view of national security, and therefore require to be passed by Parliament at the shortest possible time.
Obviously the two Bills pending in the Rajya Sabha (a). No. LXXI of 2006 The Illegal Immigrants and Overstaying Foreign Nationals (Identification and Deportation) Bill 2006 of 11 August 2006 and (b). No. LXIX of 2006 The Illegal Immigrants (Identification and Deportation) Bill, 2006 of 24 November 2006, remains un-deliberated fearing backlash on losing electoral votes for implementing the above two immigration laws. What the political parties risk in the process, on the other hand adversely effecting the demographic content of the silent citizens un-abled from progressing, not only their civil and political rights but seen as suppressing the inherent natural cultural, linguistic and religious programs. Considering the critical aspects of immigration as a state issue as well as national, all the govts concerned and affected by this malaise require to join hands irrespective of partisan affiliations and initiate active participation in promoting the above two Bills to their final legal end.
As the issue has been raised by Bimal Gurung as a felt need for the safeguard of the Darjeeling hill people as well as being a issue of national importance, it would be only proper if GJM sponsored BJP MP, Jaswant Singh is able to liaison with the respective political parties in both houses of Parliament into reintroducing the Bills in the concerned House for legal sanction. This would be a great honour for the MP, and infact any others who are able to implement the Bills into Acts.
Apropos Statesman News Service 03 April 2011, “Centre takes note of Sikkim Resolution”.
-Hillman the analyst
Apropos Statesman News Service 03 April 2011, “Centre takes note of Sikkim Resolution”. In a nutshell the same has already been deliberated above and, “note of the development in Sikkim” in reference is self explanatory in the reply above.
What is interesting however is the remark passed by the West Bengal Govt, terming the Sikkim move as “unfortunate” and that it was “not in tune with parliamentary norms and tradition”, particularly bearing in mind the electoral code of conduct seemed contravened, and that too particularly in the use of the term Gorkhaland which may help certain political parties gain electoral advantage. However minus the word Gorkhaland, then there is no misapplication at all as the demand for statehood happens to be a guaranteed legal provision for the “hill people” of Darjeeling provided by the Constitution within the meaning of the Fifth Schedule, and which is certainly within Parliamentary norms and traditions.
NH55 to open on April 14
TT, Siliguri, April 7:National Highway 55 will open for light vehicles from April 14 after remaining closed for 10 months following a major landslide at 14th Mile near Paglajhora in June last year.The state PWD said it would take another six months for the 78-km long highway, also known as Hill Cart Road, to become fully operational because strengthening the stretch was yet to be completed.
“We had set a target of April 5 to reopen the road but inclement weather and a minor landslide in the area forced us to postpone it to April 14. For now we will allow only the light vehicles to ply the road as it is not stable for fully loaded heavy vehicles,” Nirmal Mondal, executive engineer (NH division) of the PWD, said.
Heavy rainfall on June 16 last year had triggered a major landslide at 14th Mile, 35km from Siliguri, and 20 metres of the road collapsed into a 400 feet deep gorge. Rainfall in the subsequent days damaged the road further, increasing the stretch of the ruined road to around 450 metres.
Since the landslide, light vehicles heading for Darjeeling from Siliguri have been moving through Rohini and Pankhabari Road. Light vehicles anyway prefer this route as it takes a shorter time.
The tracks of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway, too, were damaged in the landslide and the Kurseong-Siliguri services were stalled.
But it was the heavy vehicles that bore the brunt of disruption. They were diverted through Mirik and Mungpoo, which takes additional two hours to reach Darjeeling from Siliguri, instead of the total three hours.
“The roads need to be strengthened even more for the trucks and buses to ply and will take some more time,” Mondal said.
Drivers of light vehicles have been asked to exercise caution while driving on the stretch, as the PWD will be carrying out the strengthening work simultaneously.
“Even though the road is open for vehicles, our work will continue. We are building a wall with stones and concrete from 30 metres below the road level in the landslide-affected zone. It is an extensive work and labourers need to carry down the construction material. The whole work will take us another six months to complete. However, the drivers need to follow certain instructions like plying one vehicle at a time and driving slowly on this stretch. The instructions will be put up on boards on either side of the under-construction stretch,” Mondal said.
The news of the reopening of the road has come as a relief for the local people of Tindharia, Gayabari and Rongtong — locations near the landslide affected zone — but the businessmen were not too happy.
“It is a relief that NH55 is reopening after so long. Till now we had to use alternative routes to reach our destinations while travelling from Kurseong,” Binay Lama, a resident of Tindharia, said.
“We hope that the road opens soon for the heavy vehicles as well. So far we have had to shell out extra money as fares for the heavy vehicles carrying our goods and commodities because they had to take longer routes,” Sanjay Agarwal, a shop owner in Ghoom, said.
The DHR authorities too have begun the work of track restoration. “We have started moving the material to the spot and restoration will soon begin,” DHR director P.P. Roy said.
Users blame cable neglect for Net woes
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| A wire tied to a post in Ambiok tea estate. (CF Lepcha) |
Rajeev Ravidas, TT, Kalimpong, April 7: The users of the BSNL’s broadband services here have alleged that the way in which the company has laid the optical fibre cables has resulted in frequent snapping of the wires and breakdown of Internet connectivity across the subdivision.
Yesterday, a two-member team, led by Praful Rao, secretary of the Kalimpong Consumers’ Association, visited the Damdim-Lava-Algarah Road, 35km from here, to look into the condition of the wires that pass through the area. The duo said they were “dumfounded” to discover the manner in which the cable line was routed.
“At many places the OFC which ought to be underground is lying over ground in the jungles without any sort of protection. At Ambiok tea estate the scene is nothing short of shocking: OFC dangling around, tied to tea bushes and trees. I even saw a piece of OFC being used as a clothesline by the villagers. If the cables are routed in the manner the BSNL has done, it is only but natural for the lines to snap as frequently as they do,” said Rao.
Internet connectivity is disrupted every seven to 10 days in Kalimpong where there are around 350 BSNL broadband users.
Rao added that whenever there is a breakdown of the broadband service, the BSNL authorities always say it is because of the snapping of the OFC at Ambiok.
“Internet has become a vital part of our daily lives and as such the OFC, which carries broadband Internet as well as other communication links such as cellphones, is important and must be protected,” he added.
The BSNL officials, however, blamed the local people and the Border Roads Organisation for the frequent snapping of the cables.
“The BRO is carrying out road widening work on the route which results in snapping of OFC. Miscreants are also known to cut the cables. However, we are trying to find a permanent solution,” said S.K. Paul, the divisional engineer, microwave and maintenance, eastern telecom region, BSNL.
Rao said recently the cables had snapped on March 28 and on April 5. “Why should we have so many cable cuts on a piece of communication link which is crucial for Kalimpong and the whole of Sikkim? We must insist on the BSNL to find a permanent solution to the problem immediately.”
According to Rao, the BSNL authorities in response to an RTI application filed by him last year had said the average service life of the OFC was 20 years. “How come then the Lava-Mal line which was laid in 2002 should snap so frequently when it is not even 10 years old? Isn’t it a colossal waste of the Rs 2.70 crore that the BSNL said it cost it to lay the line,” said Rao.
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